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WSWS : News & Analysis : North America

Enron VP tells Congress she feared for her life
But media remains silent on Baxter "suicide"
By Patrick Martin
22 February 2002

Enron Vice President Sherron Watkins, who warned top company
officials last August that the energy trading giant might "implode in
a wave of accounting scandals," said she feared for her own life
during the crisis that culminated in Enron's filing for bankruptcy.

Testifying under oath before the House Energy and Commerce Committee
February 14, Watkins, who still holds a high position at Enron, spoke
at some length about the atmosphere of intimidation that existed
inside the company during the months before its collapse.

But none of the congressmen participating in the hearing, Democratic
or Republican, made any connection between Watkins' concern, not only
for her job, but for her physical safety, and the mysterious death
last month of J. Clifford Baxter, Enron's former vice chairman.

Baxter had been identified in the media as an internal critic of
Enron's accounting scams and was slated to testify before a
congressional committee probing the Enron collapse when he was found
dead in his car on January 25. He died of a gunshot wound to the head.

Officials of Sugar Land, Texas, the wealthy Houston suburb where
Baxter lived and where he was found dead, immediately declared his
death a suicide. No serious investigation has yet been conducted and
police refuse to release the alleged suicide note or answer questions
about the case.

Within a few days of Baxter's death, reports on his demise and the
police investigation virtually disappeared from the television news
and the major daily newspapers, in sharp contrast to their treatment
of such events as the suicide of Vincent Foster, the lawyer in the
Clinton White House who killed himself in 1993.

Baxter's death was clearly on Watkins' mind when she testified three
weeks later. At one point the transcript shows the following
interchange with Iowa Republican Congressman Greg Ganske, who asked
her about the August 15 memorandum she wrote to Enron CEO Kenneth
Lay, warning him of massive financial irregularities in the company's
accounts.

GANSKE: Did you keep a copy for your own personal files?

WATKINS: Yes, I did. Yes, I did.

GANSKE: And where did you keep those files? At home?

WATKINS: No.

GANSKE: At work?

WATKINS: No, in a lockbox.

GANSKE: In a lockbox. So you were enough concerned about this that
you wanted to put this somewhere where it couldn't be destroyed.

WATKINS: Yes.

GANSKE: Were you worried about your own personal safety?

WATKINS: At times, I mean, just because the company was a little bit
radio-silent back to me, so I didn't know how they were taking my
memos or the investigation.

GANSKE: Why would you be worried about your personal safety?

WATKINS: Because it was the seventh-largest company in America.

GANSKE: And you were dealing with a really powerful person�

WATKINS: Yes.

GANSKE: �and a really powerful company.

This extraordinary exchange projects a picture of modern America
which has more in common with John Grisham's The Firm �and far more
truth�than the standard media depiction of America as a land
of "democracy" and "freedom."

"Why would you be worried about your personal safety?" the
congressman asks. "Because it was the seventh largest company in
America," she replies. Both witness and questioner take it for
granted that those in possession of so much power and wealth would
not hesitate to resort to violence.

Yet no such understanding informs the media coverage of Baxter's
death. There has been no voicing, in the daily newspapers or
television networks, of the entirely justified suspicion that Baxter
may have been killed because he knew too much and was discussing with
his lawyer an agreement to cooperate with congressional investigators.

The media silence is not so much a matter of protecting Enron�now
bankrupt and under new management�as of protecting the Bush
administration, which had the closest ties with the company and
numbers at least a dozen high-ranking officials who were either Enron
executives, highly paid consultants or significant stockholders.

Other portions of Watkins' testimony suggest that Baxter, who
resigned as vice chairman last May after becoming increasingly
critical of the company's financial arrangements, had continued to
press his views on other Enron executives, and thus potentially made
himself a target for retaliation.

She related conversations with Baxter, as recently as January 15, 10
days before his death, in which he was highly critical of former CEO
Jeffrey Skilling and other top executives. In this conversation
Baxter told her that he had repeatedly met with Skilling to express
his views on the private partnerships controlled by Chief Financial
Officer Andrew Fastow, used to shift huge debts off Enron's books.

Watkins also described a conversation between Baxter and Skilling
last March, which she learned of second-hand, in which Baxter told
Skilling, "We are headed for a train wreck, and it is your job to get
out in front of the train and try to stop it." Skilling, who was
Enron Chairman Kenneth Lay's prot�g� and chosen successor, ultimately
resigned in August, after which Lay resumed the position of CEO.

In her testimony, Watkins sought to place the blame for the Enron
collapse on Skilling and Fastow, rather than on Lay. She described
Skilling and Fastow as "highly intimidating, very smart individuals,
and I think they intimidated a number of people into accepting some
structures that were not truly acceptable." She claimed that the
financial dealings devised by Fastow were so complex that Lay could
not fully comprehend them. "I do believe that Mr. Skilling and Mr.
Fastow did dupe Ken Lay and the board," she said.

But this attempt to whitewash Lay is contradicted by Watkins' overall
testimony, which describes a company in which many top-level
employees were aware of and troubled by the deals Fastow effectively
contracted with himself. He was both Enron CFO and principal
organizer of the private partnerships. Watkins said she feared that
speaking out about these transactions would be a "job-terminating
move," and only sent her memo to Lay after Skilling abruptly quit the
company and a shake-up was clearly in the works.

At an earlier session of the House committee, Enron board member
William Powers, dean of the University of Texas Law School, revealed
that Baxter had given "a couple of hours" of interviews to the
investigative committee set up by the board in the aftermath of the
financial collapse. Powers refused to turn over notes or recordings
of those interviews without permission from Enron.

Watkins' account is quite different from the version told by Skilling
under oath at a congressional hearing a week earlier, in which he
described himself as only vaguely aware of the financial operations
carried out by Fastow. Watkins said of Skilling, "He is a very much
intense, hands-on manager. He was involved in Mr. Fastow's endeavors.
I find it very hard to believe that he was not fully aware of
transactions with Mr. Fastow's partnerships."

While she refused to discuss Baxter's death, claiming to be overcome
by emotion, Watkins' description of Baxter implicitly refutes
Skilling's portrait of a despairing man. Skilling, who described
Baxter as "my closest friend," said he had a long discussion with him
only a week before his death, in which the former vice chairman was
visibly distraught and felt his reputation had been ruined by the
Enron collapse.

Baxter's Houston lawyer, J.C. Nickens, who spoke with him frequently
in the weeks before his death, has denied that Baxter was troubled
either by the prospect of testifying before Congress or the danger of
being held criminally liable in the Enron collapse. Baxter, according
to his lawyer, feared neither eventuality because of his record of
having criticized the practices that destroyed the company's
financial standing.

In a press interview February 9, Nickens described Baxter as agitated
over harassment. "Cliff expressed to me his belief that people were
going through his mail, that they were going through his garbage,
that people were showing up at his home late at night, and making
phone calls that were unwelcome."

Nickens was not clear as to the source of this harassment�whether the
press, prosecutors, or other Enron executives. But he did say that he
had no sense that Baxter would take his own life. In the hours before
Baxter's death, Nickens had begun negotiating with congressional
investigators on the conditions under which his client would appear
in Washington to testify about the Enron collapse.

Conflicting reports have emerged about the circumstances of Baxter's
death. The official story is that Baxter was already dead when he was
discovered slumped over in his car. But by one account�county
Constable Hal Werlein�Baxter was still alive, though mortally
wounded, when he was found by a deputy constable, who then summoned
emergency medical assistance.

Local police in Sugar Land�the home town of a powerful Republican
congressman, Majority Whip Tom DeLay�immediately concluded that
Baxter had died a suicide, and ordered his body taken to a mortuary
without an autopsy. Only the intervention of Baxter's family, who
contacted a local judge, resulted in an order to take the body to the
county morgue for an official autopsy.
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