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Lawmakers Press Bush to Stand Up for Israel

By JANET HOOK
Times Staff Writer

April 10 2002

WASHINGTON -- As President Bush comes under growing international pressure to
rein in Israel's military offensive against Palestinians, he faces countervailing
pressure from an overwhelmingly pro-Israeli Congress where some members are
pushing for new statements of support for the country.

As lawmakers returned to work Tuesday after a recess that spanned two weeks of
rapidly escalating violence in the Middle East, Rep. Tom Lantos (D-San Mateo)
prepared to introduce a resolution expressing U.S. "solidarity with Israel in its fight
against terrorism."

Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) said she would reintroduce legislation to cut U.S.
ties to the Palestinian Authority if Secretary of State Colin L. Powell's mission in 
the
region does not produce results. "The U.S. should stand by Israel's side in the quest
for peace and security," Feinstein said in a floor speech.

Vice President Dick Cheney, meanwhile, traveled to Capitol Hill to meet with Senate
Republicans at a time when some conservatives have questioned the Bush
administration's willingness to continue negotiating with Palestinian Authority
President Yasser Arafat.

Some congressional leaders are struggling to balance their desire to show support
for Israel against fears that legislative meddling could upset diplomatic efforts to
stabilize the region.

"I think that some show of support for Israel is important and critical," said Senate
Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.). But he added, "We need to decide what the
correct and appropriate timing would be."

Still, the unflagging congressional support for Israel--even as Israeli leaders have
been slow to respond to Bush's personal pleas to end the incursion into Palestinian-
governed territory-- is a strong reminder of the tremendous influence wielded by the
Jewish community and the pro-Israeli lobby in U.S. politics.

That power has its roots, in part, in sympathy for a democratic regime with which the
United States has deep cultural and religious ties. The support base spans many
faiths, notably evangelical Christian groups.

But the clout also derives from a more direct, practical political reality: The U.S.
Jewish community, though only about 2.2% of the U.S. population, is
disproportionately represented in big states such as New York, California, Florida
and Illinois.

Many Jews also have a track record as major political donors, especially to
Democrats. And Jews are well represented in Congress. There are 10 Jewish
members of the Senate, for instance, and no Arab Americans.

"They are at the right places to have an impact on overall sentiment," said Stuart
Rothenberg, a Washington-based political analyst.

James Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute, argued that the political
power of the Jewish community is exaggerated. But he conceded that what he terms
the "myth" of Jewish clout has suppressed divisions in Congress over Middle East
policy.

"There is reasoned discourse [over the Middle East] in almost every sector of society
except Congress," Zogby said.

The bipartisan support for Israel was driven home last week when House Majority
Whip Tom DeLay (R-Texas)--viewed by many as the leader of the GOP's
conservative wing in Congress--gave a speech denouncing Arafat as "completely
untrustworthy." DeLay called on the Bush administration to throw its weight behind
Israel's campaign to "dismantle the Palestinian leadership."

With many members of Congress agreeing with that assessment, Cheney sought to
build support for Powell's mission by telling Senate Republicans on Tuesday that
Arafat was "the only one to negotiate with," according to a GOP source who attended
the meeting.

A draft of the resolution Lantos plans to push condemns Arafat harshly and would put
Congress on record as backing Israel "as it takes necessary steps to provide security
to its people by dismantling the terrorist infrastructure in the Palestinian areas."

Some lawmakers were concerned that such a measure would hurt U.S. diplomatic
efforts to bring Israelis and Palestinians back to the peace table and to calm
mounting Arab anger toward the United States over the Middle East crisis.

House Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-Texas) said Tuesday that he did not think it
was appropriate for Congress to act while the situation is in such flux.

"The Congress of the United States ought to exercise a little bit of self-restraint in 
the
way we discuss this," Armey said. "The president is responsible for foreign policy."

And Rep. John D. Dingell (D-Mich.), whose district includes a large population of
Arab Americans, expressed concern that the ability of U.S. leaders to broker peace
is hurt by the perception that Congress is overwhelmingly allied with Israel. "How do
you become an honest broker when you give one side the feeling you're against
them?" Dingell asked.

But Feinstein, in her Senate speech, was unstinting in her criticism of Arafat and her
defense of Israel's right to defend itself--comparing it to the U.S. military response 
to
the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11.

"Israel must fight against this terror, just as we do," Feinstein said.

Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.), a staunch ally of Israel, questioned Bush's
decision to send Powell to the region before Israeli leaders had accomplished their
military aims.

"It would have been better if he waited a week and let Israel finish the job," Schumer
said.

The escalating violence in the Middle East also has given some Democrats an
opening to criticize Bush on grounds on which he has been untouchable of late: his
conduct of foreign policy. Some of Bush's critics argue that he was too slow to get
personally involved in peacemaking efforts and to send Powell to the region.

"Many of us were calling for [the administration's] involvement much earlier," Daschle
said. "We felt that the administration was not as engaged as they needed to be, and
that has in part compounded our difficulties" in the Middle East.

If you want other stories on this topic, search the Archives at latimes.com/archives.
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