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From: International Justice Watch Discussion List
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On Behalf Of Jody Ranck
Sent: Sunday, April 14, 2002 7:20 PM
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Subject: First combat US ignorance. Then we may have peace.


First combat US ignorance. Then we may have peace

14 April 2002
The Independent

So much for the "Bush Doctrine", that simple litmus-test of the war against
terror, proclaimed shortly after 11 September, in which "those who are not
with us are against us". Even then the doctrine was leaky. Among those
deemed to be bulwarks of America's coalition were such pillars of ambiguity
as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. But no matter, the doctrine more or less held,
as Mr Bush earned wide praise for his handling of the first phase of his war
against terror.

The Middle East, to whose agony this paper today devotes four pages, has
demonstrated the limits of foreign policy by sloganeering in the bloodiest
and most emphatic way imaginable. "Look, my job isn't to nuance," the
President told an interviewer before his summit with Tony Blair. He was
being questioned about the suicide- bombers and Israel's tank operations in
the occupied West Bank, events that were so inconsiderately diverting
attention from the preparations to get rid of Saddam Hussein.
But in the Middle East, where both sides are right and both sides are wrong,
Mr Bush is belatedly learning that nuances are all. The Doctrine classifies
Yasser Arafat as a terrorist; yet Middle East realities make him an
inescapable negotiating partner. Ariel Sharon is a close ally, yet his
bloody record makes Israel the prime obstacle to better relations between
the US and the Arab world. The tragedy which is unfolding is in good measure
a tragedy of American ignorance.

It is not Mr Bush's fault that the mission of Colin Powell is turning into a
humiliation, or that he has been fated to deal with Israeli and Palestinian
leaders united only by mutual hatred and the calculation that violence
serves their interests. Indeed, there was no alternative to Mr Powell's
trip, just as there remains no alternative to his meeting Mr Arafat, however
distasteful for purists of the Doctrine. Imagine the criticism that would
now be directed at the US had the Secretary of State sat fast in Washington
as the Middle East blazed beyond control. In retrospect, it is clear he
should have gone there long ago, when some margin of manoeuvre still
existed.

Mr Bush's fault is ignorance: his belief that Sharon and Arafat could be
left to their own poisonous devices while he settled his father's unfinished
business in Iraq. We knew Mr Bush cared little for foreign affairs when he
entered the White House, but the advisers that surrounded him gave comfort.
The collective wisdom of Messrs Powell, Cheney, Rumsfeld and Rice, we
assumed, would see everything was well. But they are divided on the Middle
East. Mr Bush stands alone, undecided, still half-trapped in an irrelevant
mindset as America's lack of influence is cruelly revealed to all. This is a
truly frightening crisis, not so much because of the risk it will turn into
a generalised conflagration in the Middle East, but because of the extra
legacy of bitterness, loathing and hopelessness it will bequeath to attempts
to settle it, and also the renewed impetus it will give to terrorism in the
name of Islam.

But sooner or later, a climate more propitious to peacemaking will emerge.
To hasten that day, America must continue the course embarked upon in Madrid
last week, when the US, Russia, Europe and the UN appealed for both sides to
pull back. Vast patience and commitment will be required. The
disappointments will be many. Only if the great powers work together is
there a chance of imposing a truce, which might allow the despatch of an
international force to keep the peace, and the pursuit of a political
solution. Arrogant amid its military successes in Afghanistan, the Bush
administration once scorned the attention Bill Clinton devoted to the Middle
East. Far, far too late, it is learning that it has no choice but to do the
same.

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