-Caveat Lector-

------- Forwarded message follows -------
Please consider today's missive, by Jude Wanniski
(http://www.supplysideinvestor.com)

"What Happened at Halabja?" include the text below.
(http://www.supplysideinvestor.com/showarticle.asp?articleid=1967)

Best regards,

Nan Lin
([EMAIL PROTECTED])
SupplySideInvestor
http://supplysideinvestor.com
(877) 879-7659
--------------------------------------------------------
April 23, 2002
What Happened at Halabja?

Memo To: David Remnick, editor, The New Yorker
From: Jude Wanniski
Re: Did Saddam Hussein Gas the Kurds at Halabja?

Yes, David, I know you are ticked at me for saying the article you ran
last month about Saddam Hussein gassing the Kurds at Halabja, back in
1988, was pure propaganda by your new writer Jeffrey Goldberg. You
also seem most distressed that I said you should have told your
readers that Jeffrey has dual citizenship with Israel and served in
the Israeli defence forces a few years back. I'm not pursuing this to
rub it in, but because I am really worried that President George W.
Bush read Goldberg's story and that it helped persuade him that it
would be a good thing for him to do to eliminate Saddam. He did cite
the story at a press conference, practically inviting the world to
read it. Good for circulation, but in the long run a bad deal for
civilization, if the story is bogus, as I believe it is. I'm not
saying Goldberg "made it up," David. I'm only saying he was waltzed
down a garden path toward false conclusions. It does not help to run
several photographs of people whose skin seems to be coming off in
chunks, I'm afraid. There is general agreement that several hundred
people died by gassing at Halabja, a Kurdish town of 30,000 or so
inside Iraq near the Iranian border, five months before the end of the
eight-year Iran/Iraq war. Because your magazine said these ugly photos
were of Iraqi Kurds inflicted harm by the Iraqi armed forces, your
readers believed you, including Mr. Bush. Here are some thoughts I
have on what happened at Halabja, based on all the work I've done over
several years in trying to figure it out. I'll append a letter I got
from an Iraqi expatriate, a doctor who lives in the UK, whose brother
was at Halabja as an army colonel and is now retired. The doctor,
Mohammed Obeidi, is not a fan of Saddam, but is not happy with the
thought that his people could be falsely accused of genocide, killing
their own citizens for some evil purpose.

* * * * *

First of all, remember the Iran/Iraq war began at the end of 1980. By
March 16, 1988, several hundred thousand soldiers had died in the
conflict. Iran, with 60 million people, was supposed to be able to
defeat Iraq, with 20 million. But Saddam Hussein proved to be superior
to the Ayatollah Khomeni in organizing resources. Historians now agree
that by the end of 1987, the

advantage had shifted to Iraq. The Iranians had in desperation thrown
"human waves" of soldiers against Iraq, and Iraq had used mustard gas
to turn that tide. They have acknowledged this use. In early 1988,
Iraq was using Scud missiles to hit Teheran, and the Iranian
government was reeling.

It was at this point that Halabja broke into the news. A relatively
small unit of the Iranian army broke into the town from a point only a
few miles from the border. They overwhelmed the Iraqi garrison. Two
days later they were driven out as Iraqi reinforcements arrived from
other points in the vicinity. At issue, David, is what happened
between the rock and the hard place. As far as Jeffrey Goldberg is
concerned, having interviewed citizens 14 years later, the Iraqis
bombed this Iraqi town with poison gas in order to drive out these few
Iranians. Now I might believe this, because I can believe almost
anything that occurs in wartime, but in order for Goldberg to make the
story hang together, he has to say the Iraqi Air Force dropped
chemical bombs on Halabja in order to conduct medical experiments on
their own citizens, as there were no reports from the Iranians that
they had suffered casualties by poison gas. More on this later.

>From day one, the Iraqi government insisted it had nothing to do with
any poison gas being used on its own nationals, not even accidentally
in attacks on the Iranian adversaries. The defense ministry said it
would be ridiculous for them to use poison gas in the town when their
forces were going in the direction of the Iranian retreat. The Army
War College did conduct an inquiry soon thereafter and in April 1990
concluded that both Iran and Iraq had used gas in their warring
exchanges, but that the horrible deaths at Halabja were almost
certainly the result of gas in the Iranian inventory, gas not
available to the Iraqis. You must admit, David, that Jeffrey Goldberg
never even mentioned this report. The War College report had been
widely reported in April 1990 and the principal author, Dr. Stephen
Pelletiere, to this day insists that if there were citizens killed by
Iraqi gas at Halabja, it was collateral in the Iraqi engagement with
the Iranian army. His report says Iraq used gas, but he says he got
this from the Defense Intelligence Administration and it may or may
not be true.

I was contacted last month by an Iraqi expatriate, a doctor who lives
in the UK. He informed me his brother, who had just retired as a
general in the Iraqi army, was a colonel in 1988 when his regiment was
sent to Halabja on the news that it had been occupied by the Iranians.
I asked him for his brothers recollections and here is what Dr.
Mohammed Obaidi e-mailed me last week:

* * * * *

Dear Jude,

Let me start this report by telling a little bit about the attitude
and behaviour of the Ba'ath regime when it comes to defending
themselves against a mistake they have committed or were about to
commit. The initially prepare all their media by injecting them with
false information regarding any particular act they did or were about
to do, and once they committed that action, they release their media
to defend the regime. In addition, all party members will be served
with strict information of how to deny the action that took place and
how to convince the people that the Iraqi regime DID NOT committed
that mistake or error or anything else. In other words, the party
members plus the media are ready.

What surprised the Iraqi people after gassing the Kurds in Halabja was
that the Iraqi regime was not prepared at all to defend itself against
the allegations that they were behind these gassings at a time when
they were able to do so. It seems that they were taken by a surprise
as the only thing they could do was to show on the national TV the
result of that failed offence by the Iranians in Halabja. This was
also confirmed to me by lot of people who were in Iraq at that time.
However, the opposition to the Iraqi regime in Iraq, and particularly
the Shiite (supported and supplied by Iran) turned the story to be as
an act by the Iraqi regime against the Kurds.

As you will see from the map that I sent you, my brother was in Mosul,
which is more than 100 kilometers from Halabja, when he received an
order to move to Halabja a day before the attack by the Iranians.
Although the distance was relatively short, but preparing a full
regiment to move to a different area, it took them about two days to
arrive to Halabja. The reason for the order to my brother's regiment
to move to that area was based on military information that the
Iranians were preparing to launch an attack from that particular
region possibly with the help of fighters from one of the Kurd
parties.

In that area, Iraq had two infantry regiments and one artillery
battalion scattered on the hills surrounding Halabja. They were over
3000 soldiers.

On the other hand, however, it was well known even to the simple
Iraqi's that during each attack by the Iranians, they usually send
first the "revolutionary guards" to open the way for the military
units by detonating the mines (if any) and also to absorb the first
reaction from the Iraqi Army. For this reason, innocent Iranian
civilians were killed in hundreds if not in thousands during each
attack by the Iranian Army. My brother could not confirm the number of
Iranians entered into the Iraqi territory at Halabja. But he thinks
that after they bombarded Halabja with that kind of "gas" and entered
the town, they were shocked to see what happened to the Kurds, and
because of the heavy resistance by the Iraqi Army in the area who was
in control (by being on the hillsides of the town), the Iranian and
the Kurds (if any) were defeated within a few hours.

My brother could not add any more to what I have told you before. But
what he told me today is that when his regiment arrived to the area,
everything had finished and the Iraqis were back in control. By
briefing from other Iraqi commanders who were already there, he learnt
that no Iraqi aircraft or any other Iraqi military machines or units
had started the fire before the Iranians attacked them. He also
mentioned that the day his regiment arrived to Halabja, General Nezar
Al-Khazraji, who then was deputy chief of staff, was in the area and
had a meeting with all the commanders, where he was also very shocked
and surprised of what happened to the Kurds.

My brother also mentioned to me that the allegation against Iraq must
be untrue, as he believes if Iraq had used any sort of gas against the
Kurds, they should have used it first against the invading Iranians,
particularly when Iraq knew that they are about to launch an attack on
that area, and second, Iraq should have used these "gases" against the
Iranians when they occupied Um Kasr, the Iraqi harbour. (Legitimate
questions with no answers!!!!!!)

My brother told me that one has to ask TWO VERY BIG questions, that is
(A) since Iraq always knew from where the Iranians are about to launch
an attack, why did the Iraqi Army not use its chemical weapons to stop
the Iranians before they launch their attack? He thinks that the
answer to this question is: (1) Either Iraq did not possess this kind
of weapon at that time to use it against the Iranians, or (2) Iraq had
these weapons but could not use them fearing a retaliation by the
Iranians of using their own chemical weapons against the Iraqis. In
all cases this means that Iran had definitely the chemical weapons
before Iraq, which they have used in Halabja; and (B) Iraq lost during
the war hundreds of thousands of soldiers, a large percent of them
were University graduates, the brains of the country, and since
Saddam's aim was to bring Iran to its knees, therefore, he could have
used his chemical weapons to achieve his goal, similar to what the
U.S. did to Japan when they used the atomic bombs. So, why did he not
use it against the Iranians, but instead, if it was true, he used it
against the Kurds?

It seems to me that the above questions are very logical ones;
however, the answers to them will be left to those who think that Iraq
had used chemical weapons against the Kurds.

* * * * *

If you would take the trouble to read Pelletiere's 2001 report on why
oil played such an important role in the Gulf War, you would find he
covers other specious information that Goldberg had spoon fed to him
by the Kurd rebels, who have a vested interest in keeping alive the
story that Saddam had slaughtered as many as 100,000 Kurds at the end
of the war with Iran. It was our Secretary of State, George Shultz,
who leveled this charge at Iraq as soon as the Iran/Iraq war was over,
as it was convenient for our government to join Israel in making Iraq
an enemy. In his book, Pelletiere says this was a "hoax, a non-event,"
as no bodies were ever discovered. In his March 25 report, David,
Goldberg does go with the updated version of this hoax, peddled by
Human Rights Watch, which is that Iraq actually used conventional
weapons, i.e., bullets, to kill 100,000 Kurds, men and boys, and then
bury them "in mass graves." Goldberg also notes the graves have never
been found. Surely you must have raised an eyebrow in editing this
material. There are only 4 million Iraqi Kurds, half of them women,
another quarter youngsters or seniors. To wipe out 10% of the
remainder in a few days with weapons and burials in mass graves should
at least have produced some witnesses who escaped, or soldiers with
remorse at slaughtering their fellow Iraqis in this fashion. Here is
an account of Milton Viorst, a Washington Post reporter, who went to
Kurdistan a few days after Shultz made his charge:

>From what I saw, I would conclude that if lethal gas was used, it was
not used genocidally -- that is, for mass killing. The Kurds compose a
fifth of the Iraqi population, and they are a tightly knit community.
If there had been large-scale killing, it is likely they would know
and tell the world. But neither I nor any Westerner I encountered
heard such allegations.

Nor did Kurdish society show discernible signs of tension. The
northern cities, where the men wear Kurdish turbans and baggy pants,
were as bustling as I had ever seen them. I talked to armed Kurds near
the border, members of Iraqi military unites mobilized against the
rebels.

On the other hand, Iraq probably used gas of some kind in air attacks
on rebel positions. Journalists visiting the Turkish camps saw
refugees with blistered skin and irritated eyes, symptoms of gassing.
But doctors sent by France, the United Nations and the Red Cross have
said these symptoms could have been produced by a powerful, but
non-lethal tear gas.

Citing national security, Mr. Shultz has declined to submit the U.S.
data to scrutiny, even by America's NATO allies, though State
Department sources say it is the sort of information that the United
States routinely shares with them. American officials acknowledge that
Mr. Shultz's evidence, chiefly radio intercepts, may be subject to
conflicting interpretations.

I hope you begin to see why you should not be ticked off at me for
questioning the accuracy of the Goldberg piece. I actually could write
several other pages of criticism of the piece, where it seems obvious
he allowed himself to be managed by those in our government and in
Israel who are eager to have a "regime change" in Baghdad as soon as
possible. If I were you, I would conduct an independent inquiry, and
if necessary alert your audience that they were misled. They were.

* * * * *


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