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The Haitian Revoltuion

Part II: Sonthonax arrives in Saint-Dominigue

QUICK REVIEW OF REVOLUTION PART I.

In part I, I presented the background and earliest days of the Haitian Revolution. By
1790 the colony of San Domingue -- present day Haiti -- was torn by numerous
dissensions:

many white planters wanted independence from Revolutionary France.
free persons of color, attracted to the concept of equality embedded in the doctrine of
The Rights of Man, were struggling for full rights of citizenship.
slaves, hearing the talk of human equality, and oppressed by inhuman conditions,
revolted to improve their lot.

Each group strove against the other, making strange alliances both inside the colony
and with factions in France, England, the U.S. and Spain.

San Domingue was a colony in full revolt, and on the verge of being lost to France.
The French National Assembly sent the Second Civil Commission to try to save the
colony for France and restore San Domingue's productivity.

SONTHONAX ARRIVES IN SAN DOMINGUE

The French National Assembly was deeply worried by the independence movement
among the white planters and free men of color. There are even those historians who
believe the French government itself engineered the initial slave uprising of 1791 in
order to drive the land owners back into the arms of France's protection. If so, the
Assembly unleashed a Pandora's box of ills for France!

By early 1792 the slaves controlled most of the rich northern plain, and Cap Francois
(modern Cap Haitien) was under constant siege. Hundreds of whites had been killed,
the plantations were in ruins and the slaves were learning their military skills. Yet 
it
was not the slaves whom the Assembly feared. It was the struggle between free
persons of color and the white planters. Many of the planters openly favored
independence. They were carrying on an illegal and profitable trade with the newly
formed United States. Not only were they profiting economically, but the U.S.'s recent
revolution against Britain was a model which the planters studied well.

On the other hand, the free persons of color looked to France as their sole hope.
Britain, France, Spain and the United States did not allow citizenship to blacks. The
French had at least declared the universal Rights of Man, and this ambiguous
principle seemed to offer free men of color the right of citizenship. This position was
further clarified and emphasized with the king's signing of the decree of April 4, 1792
providing citizenship for property owning free men of color.

It was the belief of the Assembly that if the struggle between the white and black
property owners (and slave owners) could end, and their loyalty be won back to
France, then the "" would be a simple issue. The rebellion would be quickly broken
and the slaves returned to their plantations. There had been rebellions in the past,
there would be rebellions in the future. But, reasoned the Assembly, slaves could be
managed in the long run.

But a decree announcing this citizenship was one thing; to enforce it another. On
June 2, 1792 the French National Assembly appointed a three man Civil Commission
to go to San Domingue and insure the enforcement of the April 4th decree.

One of those commissioners was LEGER FELICITE SONTHONAX. He arrived in
San Domingue on September 18, 1792. He immediately approached the free men of
color and began to form and alliance, promising them that he was the king's
representative who would insure their citizenship. In record time Sonthonax won over
the free men of color, who united with loyal French troops to fight a dual battle:
struggling to defeat the radical independence- minded whites, and to pacify the
slaves. Within four months Sonthonax had achieved his three major goals:

he had pacified, or at least contained, the slave rebellion.
he had defeated the primary white resistance.
he had held the colony for France.

It seemed as if Sonthonax had achieved his mission and could soon return home to
France in glory. Then came the devastating month of February, 1793. First, France
declared war on Britain. This war radically changed Sonthonax' situation. Not only did
the superior British navy cut off Sonthonax' supply line to France, but the British 
soon
invaded San Domingue, completely unravelling Sonthonax' three short-lived
"achievements." Secondly, in that same month, Louis XVI was guillotined and France
became a republic without a king. One immediate affect of this assassination was to
provide a new grounds for resistance among some of the white planters. Many
remained supporters of independence, and they welcomed the British invasion, but
others, believing that the problem was the Revolution in France, became royalists,
believing that if only a strong king could be put back in place, then everything could
return to the old patterns and they would regain their positions of power and privilege
in San Domingue. It is interesting to note that this was exactly the aim of Napoleon
when he invaded ten years later.

TOUSSAINT LOUVERTURE AND THE SLAVE REBELLION

The primary black generals in the earliest days of the slave rebellion were Jean-
Francois, Biassou and Jeannot. Jeannot was soon put to death by Jean-Francois
and Biassou for excessive cruelty. Shortly after the 1791 uprising, Toussaint
Louverture, a former slave who was over forty years old, joined the camp of the
rebels as a medical officer. Toussaint practiced herbal and African healing, but unlike
most such healers, he was not a Voodoo houngan. However, Toussaint did not
remain a medical officer for long. His ability to organize, train and lead men became
immediately apparent. Toussaint rose from his position of aide-de- camp to become
a general, first fighting under Biassou, and then a general of his own troops.

By January, 1793 Sonthonax had contained the slave revolt. Negotiations were going
on to end the rebellion and for the officers to force their troops to return to their
respective plantations. The deal was that some 300 officers would receive freedom
and a pardon for their war crimes. The negotiations drug on, but seemed near
completion when the execution of Louis XVI became known. After that event the
slave officers, especially Toussaint, did not trust the French. They turned to the
eastern portion of the island and made an alliance with Spain, who was also at war
with France. As Toussaint told Sonthonax, "We cannot conform to the will of the
Nation because from the beginning of the world we have executed the will of a King.
We have lost the King of France, but we are esteemed by the King of Spain, who
bestows rewards upon us and ceases not to give us succor. Consequently we are
unable to acknowledge you, the Commissioners, before you have found a King."

February, 1793 was an extremely bad month for Sonthonax! From having seemingly
defeated the independence-minded colonists and not only contained the slaves, but
nearly arriving at an understanding which would have ended the rebellion completely,
he suddenly had a much graver situation facing him.

the colonists, split into independence and royalist factions, now had foreign support,
and re-opened their struggle against the April decree, and against Revolutionary
France's jurisdiction.
the slaves had gone over to the Spanish and were being armed and supplied so that
they could attack the French in San Domingue.
Sonthonax was faced with invasion from British forces out of Jamaica and had to
prepare the defense of the colony.
yet, given the gravity of the situation facing France in Europe, and given the power of
the British navy in the Caribbean, he could not count on any reinforcements or
supplies from France.

Truly, Sonthonax' world had come crashing down.

SONTHONAX FREES ALL SLAVES

THE PRELIMINARY

Sonthonax and the other commissioners realized the British would probably attack
San Domingue, as would the Spanish and their San Domingue slave army. They
began to prepare their defenses as best they could. However, they were immediately
betrayed from within. General Galbaud, a Frenchman, had been left in charge of Cap
Francois while Sonthonax joined the other commissioners to prepare the defenses of
Port-au-Prince. Galbaud, himself a land owner, conspired with the planters to deport
the commissioners and to work with the British to return the ancient regime, negating
the citizenship of free men of color. Sonthonax learned of this and returned to Le
Cap with a large force of free men of color. They surprised Galbaud and he
seemingly agreed to return to France. However, he convinced 3000 sailors and
French troops to fight with him and the battle was joined on June 20, 1793.

It looked as though Galbaud's forces would triumph. Sonthonax took the ultimate
plunge -- he offered freedom and the rights of French citizenship to 15,000 slaves,
part of the slave army encamped just outside Le Cap, if they would fight for France
and the commissioners. They accepted and Galbaud was quickly defeated.

Sonthonax, now faced with 15,000 new citizens, had a problem. Most of these men
had wives and children who were still slaves. Thus, in short order he also freed the
entire families of the new French soldiers.

AUGUST 23, 1793: SONTHONAX EMANCIPATION

The engines of emancipation had been set in motion. Sonthonax had long protested
that he came to San Domingue to defend the free persons of color. He had explicitly
stated that he DID NOT intend to free the slaves. However, the Galbaud affair had
forced him to free 30,000 to 40,000 people to protect his position.

Now he was in a major bind. The white planters and petit blancs were totally
outraged. Even his allies, the free persons of color, were appalled. They were mainly
slave holding property owners. They did not want any more slaves freed. Yet
Sonthonax knew his time was running short. The British were preparing to invade,
the Spanish were training, arming and suppling a large slave army in Santo
Domingo.

Sonthonax' position was difficult. There was no hope of reinforcements or even
supplies from France. The European war precluded that. How could he possibly save
the colony for France? The slaves seemed his only hope. There were 500,000 of
them. Toussaint, Jean-Francois and Biassou had a well-armed, well-trained army in
Santo Domingo. Other slaves were not armed or trained, but their sheer numbers
might provide some defense. Would they fight to defend France? Certainly not.
Would they fight to defend their freedom? It was a gamble Sonthonax felt he had to
take.

On August 29, 1793 Sonthonax unilaterally decreed the emancipation of slavery in
San Domingue. Robert Stein, Sonthonax' biographer, calls this "...the most radical
step of the Haitian Revolution and perhaps even of the French Revolution." But,
would the slaves respond? Would the gamble pay off? Sonthonax could only wait
and see.

THE BRITISH CAMPAIGN BEGINS

Sonthonax was right to expect the British to invade. San Domingue had been the
richest colony in the Caribbean. Since the British navy controlled access to the
Caribbean, San Domingue seemed easy pickings. British General Cuyler assured
British officials in London that he had "no apprehension of our successes in the West
Indies." On September 19, 1793 the British landed at Jeremie. They were welcomed
by the white property owners, who had already signed a secret accomodation with
Britain. In exchange for their support, San Domingue would become a British colony.
Slavery would be reinstated, people of color would be stipped of citizenship, and the
conditions of Britain's economic policies would favor the colonists more than did
France's exclusif.

By June 4, 1794 the British had captured Port-au-Prince and held most of the port
towns from St. Nicholas in the north to Jeremie at the southern tip. It looked as
though the French forces, with little support from San Domingue land owners, could
not hold out against the Spanish supported British onslaught.

THE VOLTE-FACE OF TOUSSAINT LOUVERTURE

Like Stein, one may well regard Sonthonax' freeing of the slaves as the most
significant event of this period, nonetheless, the volte-face, the changing sides, of
Toussaint Louverture, had the most immediate practical effect. Republican France's
position in San Domingue was pushed to the wall. The British held many port towns
and the white planters were mainly in the British camp. The bulk of the slaves under
arms were with the Spanish. However, France's enemies were not without their own
problems. France was prohibited from supplying Sonthonax and the commissioners
by the British fleet and the press of the war in Europe. But, that same war left the
British without supplies and reinforcements too. The British army, suffering
desperately from yellow fever, and seemingly ignored by London, was quickly being
depleated and suffered from extremely poor morale. The Spanish were in grave
difficulty in the European war, and were declining as a force to be reconed with.
Finally, the free persons of color, despising Sonthonax' freeing of the slaves, were
nonetheless becoming convinced that neither the British nor Spanish were any real
hope for them. More and more of the people of color were returning to the French
banner.

The war in San Domingue was going badly for the French, but, despite the British
gains in the south, the situation was improving, though it was grave and dangerous.

Clearly the turning point in this war and in all Haitian history was the return to the
French side of Toussaint Louverture and eventually all his black and mulatto forces.
But when and why did Toussaint return? This is a very difficult question and scholars
are not in agreement. I find myself persuaded by the arguments of David Geggus
who fixes the date of the volte-face at around May 6, 1794. The reasons for the turn
are not quite certain, but Geggus argues it was a collage of several factors:

Toussaint was sincerely fighting for general emancipation of slavery, and Sonthonax'
emancipation weighed on him. By May 6th it is unlikely that Toussaint knew that the
French National Assembly had already ratified Sonthonax' move on Feb. 4th.
However, Toussaint had a close relationship with the French General Laveaux, and
seems to have already been negotiating with him to come over to the French side.
Laveaux may well have convinced him that France was sincere in the emancipation.
Toussaint was having serious problems with the Spanish. They did not trust him,
perhaps knowing of his discussions with Laveaux.
Toussaint knew that the Spanish position in Europe was not strong and perhaps
sensed that he was fighting for a loosing side.
Toussaint was having serious problems with both Jean-Francois and Biassou and
wanted not only to break with them, but to become superior to them.

Whatever the full complement of reasons, Toussaint made his change and that
made all the difference. His army fought a guerrilla war and he was known for his
lightening attacks, covering territory at seemingly impossible speeds. He attacked
both Jean-Francois and Biassou, his former associates and defeated them. He
harassed the British, though he could not dislodge them from the costal towns they
held. One chronicler says: ""

The Spanish soon ended their war. They were defeated by the French in Europe and
signed a peace treaty on July 22, 1795. A significant part of the treaty was that Spain
ceded Santo Domingo to the French, though it was some time before Toussaint's
army actually took over the eastern part of the island. The Spanish black armies
were disbanded, though many came over to Toussaint. Jean-Francois retired to
Spain and Biassou went to Florida. By this time Toussaint had become an important
part of the French forces and was promoted to brigadier general.

TOUSSAINT'S RISE TO POWER AND THE END OF FOREIGN OCCUPATION

With the turn of Toussaint Louverture and many former slaves, and the withdraw of
the Spanish, the war took on lesser proportions. Britain, too, had developed grave
difficulties of maintaining morale and troop strength. Then, when a serious rebellion
broke out in Jamaica, the British ceased fighting an offensive war and settled in to
trying to hold the main strongholds of it's costal towns.

This left time for an internal power struggle to begin. Toussaint shared the same rank
as did Andre Rigaud, mulatto general of the south and Villatte, another mulatto who
was at Cap Francois. The two mulattos were suspicious of Toussaint and dreaded
his rise to power. They plotted against both the French and Toussaint planning to
consolidate their own positions. Their first move came against General Laveaux,
head of the French forces and governor of the colony. The plan was for Villatte to
capture and depose Laveaux. Then Rigaud would become governor general and
Villatte would be his chief aide.

On March 20, 1796 Laveaux was taken at Le Cap by Villatte. Toussaint immediately
moved from Gonaives and marched on Cap Francois with 10,000 men. The mulatto
forces capitulated and released Laveaux on March 22. Villatte fled into exile.
Laveaux rewarded Toussaint on April 1st by making him lieutenant governor, giving
him much greater freedom within the military, and pledging he would do nothing
without consulting Toussaint. This declaration was tantamount to making Toussaint
the effective governor and commander in chief. Toussaint responded, "After God,
Laveaux." The mulattos had suffered a terrible defeat.

The triumph over the mulattos was only days old when Sonthonax returned to Haiti
as head of the third Civil Commission. Toussaint recognized that both Sonthonax
and his friend Laveaux stood in his way. He began a clever political campaign which
left him the key power in San Domingue. Toussaint managed to engineer an election
in which both Sonthonax and Laveaux were "elected" to return to France to represent
San Domingue to the National Assembly. Laveaux recognized that Toussaint was
now dominate and he quietly returned to France on October 13, 1796. It was nearly
another year before Toussaint could maneuver Sonthonax out of San Domingue.

Sonthonax was his own worst enemy during this struggle. Having thrown in his lot
with the blacks and against both the whites and free persons of color, he decided to
put Rigaud down. He sent a force against Rigaud, which was defeated. However,
Toussaint was then assured that Rigaud would not oppose his move against
Sonthonax. Sonthonax further damaged his own case by allowing French privateers
to operate against American shipping. This even hurt black commerce, and most
people were sympathetic to Toussaint's pro-American trade stance. After trying
several times to force Sonthonax out by power of persuasion, Toussaint finally used
armed force and on August 27, 1797 Sonthonax sailed for France, never to return.

This left Toussaint governor general and commander in chief of San Domingue with
only the British and Rigaud standing in the way of his absolute dominance.

During 1796 and 1797 the British had once more opened their offensive campaign in
San Domingue. However, the increasing death toll in the war, particularly from yellow
fever, the increasing cost, opposition in London and the constant nagging guerrilla
war against them, brought the British to a standstill. While Parliament refused to
recall them all together, the British army was left to fend for itself. However, it 
still
held most of the seacoast from Jeremie to St. Nicholas, including Port-au-Prince.

In early 1798 Toussaint began a massive campaign against the British. On March
21st General Thomas Maitland arrived to oversee the British forces. At almost the
same time Theodore Hedouville, a French special agent, arrived in Santo Domingo.
What followed is worthy of an espionage novel by Robert Ludlum! Hedouville was
there to gently ease Toussaint out of power. The French National Assembly had
become worried by the extent of his power and what seemed to be his tendencies
toward independence from France. This was underlined by Toussaint's willingness to
reopen trade with the Americans and to prohibit French privateering against them
from Saint Domingan waters. Hedouville hoped to use Andre Rigaud and, building on
the existing distrust and enmity between the two, drive them into open conflict.

Maitland, on his part, saw a way to use this situation to his advantage. It was clear
that the British were finished in San Domingue. But, by posing as an ally of
Toussaint, Maitland could get the best conditions for withdrawal and perhaps even
arrange a secret convention of trade relations with Toussaint, whom he was
convinced would prevail. At the same time he sought Toussaint's guarantee that he
would not invade Jamaica. Maitland further promised aid of the British navy if
Toussaint wanted to declare independence.

Maitland's strategy was to drive a wedge between Hedouville and Toussaint, insuring
the weakening of French authority, and increasing the likelihood of British gain.

Toussaint wasn't ready to declare independence from France, but he did know what
Hedouville was up to. As soon as the British had left San Domingue for ever in
October, 1798, Toussaint began his move against Hedouville. He was able to
convince the masses that Hedouville was actually there to unseat Toussaint and to
reinstall slavery, which actually may well have been the case. At any rate, a mob
stormed the city of Cap Francois and Hedouville and his forces embarked for
France.

Toussaint had been the primary force for four years, May, 1794 to October, 1798. In
that time he had driven the British out of San Domingue, overseen the retreat of the
Spanish, ousted all genuine French authority and become commander in chief and
governor general of the San Domingue. As he saw it there were only three
challenges left to his supreme authority.

the belief of the National Assembly that he was not loyal to France.
Andre Rigaud and the mulatto forces.
the existence of Spanish Santo Domingo next door.

Toussaint took up the challenge of these three threats.
End<{{{

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