-Caveat Lector-
Between Halliburton and the Carlyle Group (Bush's dad's investment and GW's
nestegg), the Pres and VP are indeed making out like the evil bandits they are.
And the American people are going along with it like the mind-controlled
sheeple they really are. Bush is one of the most popular Presidents in recent
history. Kind of makes me sick, kind of makes me feel better because I have
always detested the Bush's and Republicans in general and knew this sh*t would
happen. --SW)
------- Forwarded message follows -------
Date sent: Sat, 04 May 2002 05:02:47 +0000
From: cosmicdot <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [CIA-DRUGS] Re: Cheney's Brown & Root Carrying Out Military
Missions
Around theWorld
Halliburton/KBR are making out like bandits. Building new holding
cells at Camp X-ray, drilling the Caspian Basin; and the sweetie NO
CAP cost plus deal ($$$$$$$$) with the "front bases" ... a 9-year
contract . . . yippee!
USA: Halliburton -- To the Victors Go the Markets
By Jordan Green
Facing South
February 1, 2002
The influence of big energy corporations in the Bush Administration
is no secret. But the story of Dick Cheney and his former company,
Halliburton Co., has received little attention -- and it may be the
most important.
Prospects for democracy in post-Taliban Afghanistan appear dimmed by
the bare-knuckled oil services deal-cutting overseen by the victor,
the United States. Last December, the US Department of Defense made a
no-cap, cost-plus-award contract to Halliburton KBR's Government
Operations division. The Dallas-based company is contracted to build
forward operating bases to support troop deployments for the next
nine years wherever the President chooses to take the anti-terrorism
war.
"Augmenting our military troops with contractor-provided support has
proven to be an invaluable force multiplier," boasted Halliburton CEO
Dave Lesar, celebrating the deal in a euphemistic language that is
understood both as military triumphalism -- and to Wall Street -- as
a cue that the new military mobilization could punch up the company's
flagging stocks. In an October press release, the CEO who was
compensated $11.3 million last year, had forecasted a good fourth
quarter for profits in engineering and construction.
A Jan. 29 Washington Post article drew comparisons between
Halliburton and Enron, pointing out that both their stocks plunged
last fall, and that they share the same accountant, Arthur Andersen.
(Halliburton has been plagued with lawsuits over its use of asbestos,
discouraging investor confidence.) Another similarity is that their
CEOs both cashed out before fall. In Halliburton's case, Vice
President Dick Cheney cashed out $20.6 million in stocks before
retiring as CEO. With Halliburton now ailing financially, it's only
natural that the Defense Department, over which Cheney presided in
the administration of Bush I, would provide the bailout.
The Pentagon posts all contract announcements exceeding $5 million on
its Website, but in Halliburton's case declined to disclose the
estimated value of the award. A spokesperson for Halliburton gave
$2.5 billion as the amount the company earned from base support
services in the 1990s, acknowledging that the contract value could
exceed that number assuming that the scope of US military actions
widens in the next decade.
Though the Pentagon may be wary of admitting its favor towards
Halliburton, the British Ministry of Defence shows no such reticence.
In the third week of December 2001, the Defence Ministry awarded
Halliburton's subsidiary Brown & Root Services $418 million to supply
large tank transporters, capable of carrying tanks to the front lines
at speeds of up to 50 miles per hour.
The first increment of Halliburton's award is being subcontracted to
Oshkosh Truck Corporation in Wisconsin and King Trailers in Market
Harborough, England. Because of Prime Minister Tony Blair's
invaluable service of persuading Britain's reluctant public to go
along with the American campaign and in providing British
peacekeepers to secure Afghanistan, America's junior partner has been
rewarded with a boost to its manufacturing base.
But the major rewards are reserved for the Texas oil oligarchy.
Halliburton Company has close connections with the Bush family. Aside
from Cheney, there is Lawrence Eagleburger, a Halliburton director
and former deputy secretary of defense under Bush Sr. during the Gulf
War.
In its earlier incarnation as Brown & Root Services, the company
sponsored Texan and future president Lyndon B. Johnson's stolen
election to the US Senate in 1948, building the state's spectacular
political-industrial muscle.
As the number-one oil field services company in the world,
Halliburton has an active interest in positioning itself to exploit
the newly-opened oil and gas fields in adjoining Uzbekistan, where
the US Army's 10th Mountain Division already occupies a base.
The Bush Administration's chief corporate interest is in advancing
the fortunes of the energy industry. National Security Advisor
Condoleeza Rice is a former board member of Chevron, which has been
operating the Tengiz oil fields in neighboring Kazakhstan through the
past decade. Commerce Secretary Don Evans is the former chairman of
the Denver-based oil firm Tom Brown Inc. Houston-based Enron, whose
phenomenal implosion has recently brought critical attention, was the
single biggest contributor to the Bush campaign last year.
Halliburton's nine-year troop-support contract falls under the
Logistics Civil Augmentation Program, or LOGCAP, which provides "the
warfighter with additional capabilities to rapidly support and
augment the logistics requirements of its deployed forces." The
company is required to deploy within 72 hours of notification and
install forward operating bases for some 25,000 troops within 15
days. The base camp services Halliburton will provide include mess
hall, food preparation, potable water, sanitation, laundry,
transportation, utilities and warehousing.
Through the past ten years, Halliburton has built bases to support
troop deployments in Somalia, Haiti and the Balkans. During the
Vietnam War, the company (then as Brown & Root Services) built roads,
landing strips, harbors and military bases throughout the areas under
US military control. "They drop these boys in and they construct a
town," relates retired Special Forces operative Stan Goff. "In no
time at all they'll have barracks and latrines. Then they'll put in a
club that serves alcohol, soccer fields, and baseball fields."
Halliburton's publicity material boasts of its ability to establish
temporary military bases under often hostile conditions -- an
invaluable preparation for the second phase of its project: laying
the groundwork for oil exploration under often hostile conditions.
Vice President Cheney has been famously quoted in reference to the
country of Iraq: "The good Lord didn't see fit to put oil and gas
only where there are democratic regimes friendly to the United
States."
Other oil-rich countries potentially targeted in the US anti-
terrorist war in which Halliburton is jockeying for access are
Colombia and Venezuela in the Americas. In Colombia, only 20% of the
oil reserves have been explored because of political instability.
Desperate to increase the country's output, President Andr�s Pastrana
sweetened the foreign investment terms for multinational oil
companies. In 1996, BP Amoco and Occidental joined Enron in the U.S.-
Colombia Business Partnership to lobby for more military aid for Plan
Colombia.
Venezuela -- though not named as a target so far -- is the third
largest oil supplier to the United States and an influential member
of OPEC. President Hugo Ch�vez convinced the OPEC cartel to cut
production in order to raise international oil prices. His high-
profile visit to Saddam Hussein last August and refusal to allow the
US military to fly over Venezuelan airspace has irritated the United
States, leading to speculation that the country will soon find itself
subject to the wrath of the American anti-terrorist campaign.
But in the immediate future, the key to the United States' energy
security and Halliburton's profit enhancement lies in Central Asia.
Its chief competitor in oil fields services, Houston-based Baker
Hughes, already has a significant head start in exploiting the
immense wealth of natural gas in Uzbekistan. Baker Hughes has entered
into a partnership with Uzbekneftegaz, the state holding company that
controls the oil and gas sector, to develop the country's North
Urtabulak project with options on three other fields.
Baker Hughes has its own political connections to aid its muscling in
on the Central Asian prospecting game. Board member Edward P.
Djerejian served as assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern
affairs under both the Bush Sr. and Clinton administrations. His
resume cuts across the arenas of corporate strategy and foreign
policy as a director of Occidental Petroleum Global Industries Ltd.
and as a director of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public
Policy at Rice University in Houston.
At stake in Uzbekistan are oil reserves estimated at 600 million
barrels. According to the US Energy Information Administration, the
country can't modernize its drilling operations fast enough. Despite
the fact thatits oil and gas reserves are estimated to be more than
that of all the other Central Asian republics combined, Uzbekistan
has lagged behind its neighbors in production.
In April 2000, President Islam Karimov announced preferential
treatment to foreign investors, including tax exemptions. In what
promises to be a phenomenal resource grab, Uzbekistan is opening up
80 oil fields to drilling by multinational oil companies. This year,
President Karimov has promised to privatize 49% of the national
energy company Uzbekneftegaz.
Chevron, which has successfully developed the Tengiz oil fields in
the Caspian Sea in neighboring Kazakhstan, is well poised to expand
into Uzbekistan. Shell has recently completed oil explorations in the
country. In Turkmenistan, on Afghanistan's northern frontier,
ExxonMobil owns a 40% stake in the Burun oil field. UK-based Trinity
Energy committed to investing over $400 million for gas exploration
in Uzbekistan over the next 40 years.
The proposed Central Asia Oil Pipeline -- through Afghanistan to the
deepwater port of Gwadar, Pakistan on the Arabian Sea -- remains
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan's best opportunity to export its oil to
western markets.
Now that the country of Afghanistan has been reduced to rubble by US
bombs and the American and British militaries have locked in their
occupational forces, Halliburton has established a beachhead for a
spectacular expansion.
http://www.corpwatch.org/news/PND.jsp?articleid=1752
--- In [EMAIL PROTECTED], The Webfairy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
>
> -------- Original Message --------
> From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Subject: [crimgov] Cheney's Brown & Root Carrying Out
> Military Missions Around theWorld
> To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>
> Soldiers of fortune
> Civilian employees of Dick Cheney's former company are
> carrying out
> military missions around the world � for profit.
> By Pratap Chatterjee
>
> IN EARLY JANUARY, Jon France, transportation officer at the
> Sierra Army Depot in Herlong, Calif., was asked to help
> support the war in Afghanistan by sending prefabricated
> military bases that could be run by private corporations.
>
> With just two days to complete the job, France scrambled to
> get 100 containers of a package code-named Force Provider
> (see "Force Provider: The Base-in-a-Box," page 26) to Reno,
> Nev. where the Nevada Air National Guard was standing by to
> load them onto three Air Force C-5s and four 747s headed to
> Ramstein, Germany, Larry Rogers, a spokesperson for the army
> depot, told us. A day later the 21st Theater Support Command
> arrived in Ramstein to airlift the Force Provider package to
> Central Asia.
>
> Employees of Kellogg Brown and Root, a subsidiary of the
> Dallas-based Halliburton Corp. (once run by Vice President
> Dick Cheney), are scheduled to arrive at the Bagram air base
> in southern Afghanistan to take over the day-to-day support
> services at the Force Provider camp starting in late April
> or early May (the exact date is classified). They are also
> set to arrive at the Khanabad air base in Uzbekistan, one of
> the main military support stations for the war in
> Afghanistan, to run three Air Force Harvest Eagle camps (an
> older version of Force Provider) for the 1,500 U.S. troops
> based there since October, according to Daniel McGinty, a
> spokesperson at the Defense Contract Management Agency,
> which will be overseeing the contracts.
>
> "They [Brown and Root] will be maintaining these packages,
> [doing] base camp maintenance, facilities maintenance,
> laundry services, food services, airfield services, property
> accountability, and supply operations," says Gale L. Smith,
> a spokesperson for the U.S. Army Operations Support Command
> in Alexandria, Va. (Brown and Root is now named Kellogg
> Brown and Root, following a corporate merger, but is often
> referred to by its previous name.) She refused to confirm or
> deny whether Brown and Root would be working on similar
> bases in Manas, Kyrgyzstan, or other sites in Afghanistan
> and Pakistan to support Operation Enduring Freedom.
>
> The new job is one of the first examples of a private
> company being awarded a lucrative contract from the Pentagon
> to run the day-to-day support operations on the battlefield.
> In December 2001, Brown and Root secured a 10-year deal
> called Logistics Civil Augmentation Program (LOGCAP),
> according to a Pentagon press release. The contract is a
> "cost-plus-award-fee,
> indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity service," which
> basically means that the federal government has an
> open-ended mandate and budget to send Brown and Root
> anywhere in the world to run humanitarian or military
> operations for a profit.
>
> And critics are alarmed. The military has a long-celebrated,
> cozy relationship with private industry, but Brown and
> Root's goes much further. For private industry will now
> essentially run a war operation. And the potential problems
> are legion, military critics warn. Not only will civilians
> be running around overseas with guns, but they'll also be
> answering to nobody.
>
> "The Bush-Cheney team have turned the United States into a
> family business," says Harvey Wasserman, author of The Last
> Energy War (Seven Stories Press, 2000). "That's why we
> haven't seen Cheney � he's cutting deals with his old
> buddies who gave him a multimillion-dollar golden handshake.
> Have they no grace, no shame, no common sense? Why don't
> they just have Enron run America? Or have Zapata Petroleum
> [George W. Bush's failed oil-exploration venture] build a
> pipeline across Afghanistan?"
>
> Deep roots
>
> Halliburton, Brown and Root's parent company, is a Fortune
> 500 construction corporation working primarily for the oil
> industry. In the early 1990s the company was awarded the job
> to study and then implement the privatization of routine
> army functions under then-secretary of defense Dick Cheney.
>
> When Cheney quit his Pentagon job, he landed as chief
> executive of Halliburton, bringing with him his trusted
> deputy David Gribbin. The two substantially increased
> Halliburton's government business until they quit in 2000,
> once Cheney was elected vice president. Since then another
> confidante of Cheney, Adm. Joe Lopez, former commander in
> chief for U.S. forces in southern Europe, took over
> Gribbin's old job of go-between for the government and the
> company, according to Brown and Root's own press releases
> (see "Dick Cheney: Soldier of Fortune," page 23). Other
> close friends include Richard Armitage, the assistant
> secretary of state, who worked as a consultant to
> Halliburton before taking up his present job. Last year the
> company took in $13 billion in revenues, according to its
> latest annual report. Currently, Brown and Root estimates it
> has $740 million in existing U.S. government contracts
> (approximately 37 percent of its global business), most of
> which are in addition to the LOGCAP deal.
>
> For example, in mid November 2001, Brown and Root was paid
> $2 million to reinforce the U.S. embassy in Tashkent,
> Uzbekistan, under contract with the State Department,
> according to the New York Times. More recently Brown and
> Root was paid $16 million by the federal government to go to
> Guant�namo Bay, Cuba, to build a 408-person prison for
> captured Taliban fighters, according to Pentagon press
> releases.
>
> That's by no means all: Brown and Root employees can be
> found back home running support operations from Fort Knox,
> Ky., to a naval base in El Centro, Calif., according to
> information provided by the company. And it is also
> snapping up contracts with American allies, according to
> company press releases: In September 2001 the company signed
> on to a $283 million project for Russia's Defense Threat
> Reduction Agency to eliminate liquid-fueled intercontinental
> ballistic missiles and their silos. In November 2001 the
> Philippines awarded the company a $100 million order to
> convert the U.S. Navy's former ship-repair facilities in
> Subic Bay into a modern commercial port facility. And in
> December it won a $420 million contract from the British
> Army to support a fleet of new mammoth tank transporters.
>
> Critics charge that this is a classic example of the
> revolving door between government and big business. "Cheney
> gives new meaning to the term 'revolving door.' " says Bill
> Hartung, senior research fellow at the World Policy
> Institute in New York. "If he does not get elected president
> next, I have no doubt he will return to Halliburton when he
> leaves the White House."
>
> Jennifer Millerwise, a spokesperson for Cheney's office,
> denies that there was any contact help from the White House:
> "The vice president did not discuss this with anybody from
> Halliburton or any subsidiary of Halliburton. Nor does he
> comment on Halliburton's policies, since he doesn't work
> there any more."
>
> The business of war
>
> But Brown and Root is no stranger to the war business. From
> 1962 to 1972 the Pentagon paid the company tens of millions
> of dollars to work in South Vietnam, where they built roads,
> landing strips, harbors, and military bases from the
> demilitarized zone to the Mekong Delta. The company was one
> of the main contractors hired to construct the Diego Garcia
> air base in the Indian Ocean, according to Pentagon military
> histories.
>
> The privatization of services at military camps is a
> relatively new concept that was introduced in 1992, when the
> Pentagon, then under Cheney's direction, paid Brown and Root
> $3.9 million to produce a classified report detailing how
> private companies (like itself) could help provide logistics
> for U.S. operations abroad (see "Dick Cheney: Soldier of
> Fortune," page 23). Several months later the Pentagon gave
> the company an additional $5 million to update its report.
>
> That same year Brown and Root won its first five-year LOGCAP
> contract from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, which would
> send them to work alongside G.I.s in places such as Somalia,
> Haiti, the Balkans, Bosnia, and Saudi Arabia. Brown and
> Root's work in the Balkans has been the most profitable for
> the company � the General Accounting Office (GAO) estimates
> the company made $2.2 billion in revenue during the military
> operations there, building sewage systems, kitchens, and
> showers and even washing underwear for the 20,000 soldiers
> stationed there.
>
> A student research report written by Maj. Maria Dowling and
> published by the Air University at Maxwell Air Force Base in
> Alabama shows that Brown and Root employees can be required
> to live with soldiers, wear battle dress uniforms, and be
> issued guns (ostensibly for personal protection). They are
> substituting for conventional military support units � with
> acronyms that would make a vegetarian cringe � such as Prime
> Base Engineer Emergency Force (Prime BEEF), Rapid Engineer
> Deployable Heavy Operational Repair Squadron Engineer (RED
> HORSE), and Prime Readiness in Base Service (Prime RIBS).
>
> The ratio of such contractors to military personnel is
> rapidly rising from 1 in 50 during Operation Desert Storm in
> the Gulf War to 1 in 10 in Operation Just Endeavor in the
> Balkans, according to other Air University research papers.
>
> Praise from the army, criticism from outside
>
> Col. Tom Palmer, maintenance chief for Task Force Eagle in
> Bosnia, admiringly describes how closely he worked with
> private contractors such as Brown and Root in Bosnia at a
> Sept. 18, 1997, operation to seize and maintain control of a
> transmission tower on Mount Zep that was transmitting
> continuous, inflammatory anti-NATO Stabilization Force
> messages to the public. In a recent issue of Army
> Logistician, he wrote, "For soldiers familiar with the
> Bosnian area of operations, the name 'Brown and Root
> Services Corporation' (BRSC) became synonymous with
> "contractor support."
>
> But other government agencies are more sceptical. "It is
> convenient to contract a lot of this work out," says Neil
> Curtin, director of operations and readiness issues for the
> GAO defense capabilities and management team. "The problem
> is that the government doesn't do the best job of
> oversight."
>
> Policy analysts say it's simply a matter of time before
> something goes wrong. Thomas Donnelly, deputy executive
> director of the Project for the New American Century in
> Washington, D.C., says, "We've been pretty lucky so far that
> nothing has gone wrong. The Balkans were one thing, but
> Central Asia is a much tougher neighborhood. Suppose a local
> Afghani contractor gets kidnapped or used for mischief? This
> has not been thought through at the policy level or opened
> up for public debate. There's a lot of opportunity for
> things to fall through the cracks and a huge security risk."
>
> Christopher Helmand, research analyst at the Center for
> Defense Information, a think tank on military affairs,
> believes that privatization can help reduce waste and
> inefficiency in the military but points out that security is
> a big concern. "What do we do when somebody infiltrates a
> U.S. military base and blows it up? If we have civilians
> walking in and out of our bases because they are 'our
> allies' in the Northern Alliance or private contractors, we
> increase our risk considerably," he says. "We simply don't
> have all the bugs worked out because this is such a new
> area."
>
> Sometimes the risks have come from inside. In 1994, United
> Nations troops armed with batons and tear gas had to be
> brought in to quell protests by workers Brown and Root
> dismissed at the end of its engagement in Somalia. In Saudi
> Arabia the army was alarmed when it discovered locally
> contracted drivers were firing up portable propane tanks to
> cook meals in the desert while transporting high-explosive
> ordnance weapons, according to the Dowling report.
>
> Certain contractors, including Brown and Root, have also
> complained that the army treats them as second-class
> citizens. On at least one occasion, food-service contractors
> walked off the job in Saudi Arabia when they were not
> provided with proper protection against chemical attacks;
> another time, contractors moved out of army tents and
> checked into a hotel in defiance of army orders, according
> to a research report by Major Lisa Turner of the U.S. Air
> Force.
>
> Independent agencies are still sceptical about claimed
> financial savings from the privatization of military support
> operations, and the GAO has conducted several
> investigations. A February 1997 study showed that an
> operation estimated at $191.6 million when presented to
> Congress in 1996 had ballooned to $461.5 million a year
> later.
>
> Examples of overspending by contractors have included flying
> plywood from the United States to the Balkans at $85.98 a
> sheet and billing the army to pay its employees' income
> taxes in Hungary.
>
> A subsequent GAO report, issued September 2000, showed that
> Brown and Root was still taking advantage of the contract in
> the Balkans, noting that army commanders were unable to keep
> track of the contract, as they were typically rotated out of
> camps after a six-month duration, erasing institutional
> memory. The GAO painted a picture of Brown and Root
> contract employees sitting idly most of the time. The report
> also noted that a lot of staff time was spent doing
> unnecessary tasks, such as cleaning offices four times a
> day.
>
> Allegations of fraud
>
> In February 2002, Brown and Root paid out $2 million to
> settle a suit with the Justice Department that alleged the
> company defrauded the government during the mid-1990s
> closure of Fort Ord in Monterey, Calif.
>
> The allegations in the case surfaced several years ago when
> Dammen Gant Campbell, a former contracts manager for Brown
> and Root turned whistle-blower, charged that between 1994
> and 1998 the company fraudulently inflated project costs by
> misrepresenting the quantities, quality, and types of
> materials required for 224 projects. Campbell said the
> company submitted a detailed "contractors pricing proposal"
> from an army manual containing fixed prices for some 30,000
> line items.
>
> Once the proposal was approved, the company submitted a more
> general "statement of work," which did not contain a
> breakdown of items to be purchased. Campbell maintained the
> company intentionally did not deliver many items listed in
> the original proposal. The company defended this practice by
> claiming the statement of work was the legally binding
> document, not the original contractors pricing proposal.
>
> "Whether you characterize it as fraud or sharp business
> practices, the bottom line is the same: the government was
> not getting what it paid for," says Michael Hirst, of the
> United States Attorney's Office in Sacramento, who litigated
> the suit on behalf of the government. "We alleged that they
> exploited the contracting process and increased their
> profits at the governments expense."
>
> Campbell's attorney Dan Schrader has a guess as to why the
> company was so eager to compromise. "If the company was
> indicted, I suspect that it might have been far more
> difficult for them to get new government contracts," he
> says.
>
> Indeed, the company's 2001 annual report says just that in
> its notes on the settlement of the lawsuit: "Brown and
> Root's ability to perform further work for the U.S.
> government has not been impaired." Hirst adds, "Brown and
> Root was very cooperative and eager to settle. They said
> they wanted to maintain a good relationship with the
> government."
>
> The company will have a harder time milking the contract in
> Afghanistan, because the government is now dispatching
> auditors from the Defense Contract Management Agency to
> monitor all purchases, but it still stands to at least make
> a profit on whatever it can bill. The contract allows for
> the company to charge a fee of up to 9 percent over cost.
> The exact amount depends on performance in the field.
>
> And if the war on terrorism expands to the size of the
> Balkan operations, profits could add up to a few hundred
> million dollars. In addition to the bases in Uzbekistan and
> Afghanistan, the army started dispatching Force Provider
> units to Kyrgyzstan's Manas air base as recently as January
> 2002 to support up to 3,500 soldiers. Whether or not Brown
> and Root will follow them there, the army has yet to tell
> the public.
>
> "Brown and Root has not deployed nor been tasked to provide
> support in either country," company spokesperson Zelma
> Branch said, refusing to give any more details about the
> current LOGCAP contract. When provided with evidence that
> the company was indeed going to both countries, she e-mailed
> us, "We can not elaborate at this time. Recommend you
> contact the Army."
>
> The Pentagon, on the other hand, is considering expanding
> the role of the private sector to do a variety of services,
> from refueling fighter jets and bombers in midair to running
> missile-tracking systems. Inside military circles, talk has
> it that the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) is
> considering hiring private contractors to train the new
> Afghan police and army, which it has done in the past in
> places such as Croatia, where it hired Military
> Professionals Resources Inc.
>
> MPRI, founded in 1988 by former army chief of staff Carl
> Vuono and seven other retired generals, was harshly
> criticized after the Croatian military, in a highly
> effective offensive called Operation Storm, captured the
> Serb-held Krajina enclave later that year, uprooting more
> than 150,000 Serbs from their homes.
>
> David Des Roches, a DSCA spokesman, denied that the Pentagon
> had a proposal on the table at the moment but did not rule
> out the future possibility: "A lot of people have said,
> 'Ding, ding, ding, gravy train.' But in point of fact, it
> makes sense. They're probably better at doing these sorts of
> missions than anyone else I could think of."
>
> The World Policy Institute's Hartung disagrees. "This is a
> company that has more experience with insider dealing and
> corruption than with efficiency," he says. "During the
> Second World War, there was a Senate committee on war
> profiteering. Personally I think we should set it up again
> and investigate Brown and Root," he says.
>
> Pratap Chatterjee is an investigative environmental writer
> and producer.
>
> This article was produced with support from the CorpWatch
> fund for investigative journalism. (www.corpwatch.org). He
> is also coproducer and host of the weekly Terra Verde radio
> show on KPFA, 94.1-FM, Fri., 1-2 p.m.
>
> "Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about
> things that matter." - Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
> http://www.sfbg.com/36/31/cover_soldiersoffortune.html
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