-Caveat Lector-

http://www.boston.com/dailyglobe2/181/oped/What_Bush_doesn_t_know_about_Palestine+.shtml

What Bush doesn't know about Palestine
By Wendy Pearlman, 6/30/2002

PRESIDENT BUSH'S speech on Palestinian reforms included several astute
observations. The president was right to note that the ''Palestinian
Legislature has no authority and power is concentrated in the hands of an
unaccountable few.'' Palestinian legislators, after all, are trapped under
military curfew. Power over all aspects of Palestinians' lives is in the
hands of the Israeli prime minister, who is unaccountable to international
law, no less to the 3 million Palestinian civilians who suffer an
unrelenting siege.


And the president was also right to remark, ''the Palestinian people lack
effective courts of law and have no means to defend and vindicate their
rights.'' The Israeli army, after all, has rounded up thousands of
Palestinians without charge or trial. They endure inhuman conditions and
languish in Israeli prisons indefinitely.

But the president was misinformed when he told the Palestinians to draft a
democratic constitution. The Palestinians already have such a constitution.
I know, because I translated it.

Yasser Arafat established a Constitution Committee in 1999, long before
either George Bush or Ariel Sharon came to power and assumed the right to
tell Palestinians how to run their affairs. After months of research and
debate, the Committee completed a draft in September 2000. Two friends and
I, all three of us students of Arabic sharing an apartment in Cairo, were
asked to translate the draft. We eagerly agreed.

For days on end, we hovered around my laptop, meticulously considering every
word we translated. As modern twentysomething women, we were determined to
make the Palestinian constitution even more democratic than the American one
by rendering the English text gender-neutral. Not unlike male politicians
and academics everywhere, however, the members of the Palestinian
Constitution Committee eventually reinserted the he's that we had taken such
pains to circumvent.

So I've reviewed every ''for,'' ''if,'' and ''but'' of the Palestinian
Constitution, and I can say that it's not too bad. It provides for regular
elections, separation of powers, and civil rights. It addresses the rights
of Palestinian refugees, and it pledges religious tolerance. Granted, the
constitution is far from perfect. Palestinian human rights activists have
called attention to loopholes that grant the executive branch the wide
discretion that it enjoys throughout the developing world. More than grounds
for invalidating the current draft, however, this debate illustrates that
democratic dialogue is alive and well in Palestinian civil society.

My friends and I became completely absorbed in the constitution of the
Palestinian state-to-be in order to meet our Sept. 30, 2000, deadline.

It was only after we had submitted our translation, therefore, that we
switched on the news and discovered that Palestine was in flames. Two days
before, Ariel Sharon had visited the Al-Aqsa mosque. Clashes had ensued
between Palestinian protesters and Israeli police the next day. According to
the Palestinian Red Crescent, some 60 Palestinians were killed and 2,500
injured during the week following Sharon's visit. Within a month, another
125 Palestinians would be killed. The 126th to die was this intifada's first
suicide bomber. The rest is history.

The three of us spent weeks in our Cairo apartment consumed by the news from
Palestine. Listening to the reports about the bombing of neighborhoods,
demolition of homes, and countless funerals, we would exclaim, ''How can
this happen? The Palestinians have a constitution!'' We knew then what our
president still does not understand. A Palestinian constitution means little
as long as the Israeli occupation continues.

Palestinian reforms will not end the conflict, because Palestinian politics
is not the source of the conflict. The violence will not end until Israel
takes its soldiers and settlers and leaves the West Bank and Gaza, once and
for all.

President Bush's call for democracy in Palestine, therefore, is not wrong as
much as it is beside the point. It does not matter how the Palestinians
choose their leaders when Israel retains the power to besiege, arrest, or
assassinate them. It does not matter what free-market institutions the
Palestinians develop as long as Israel can impose a closures that brings
commerce, not to mention all daily life, to a screeching halt.

Israel is wreaking havoc in Palestinian towns and refugee camps with
impunity, and the White House's solution is to audit the PNA? Perhaps the
president got the Enron and Middle East files mixed up. His speech reads
more like a prescription for reforming American finance than a vision for a
just resolution to the Palestinians' 50-year struggle for statehood.

The Palestinians already have a constitution; they don't need another one.
What they need is to be treated like a people.

Wendy Pearlmanis earning a PhD in government at Harvard University.

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