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>From http://www.observer.co.uk/comment/story/0,6903,759043,00.html

Observer Worldview Extra



Beware peacemakers selling arms

Labour's international objectives are constantly undermined by arms sales 
controversies. The law can
crackdown on football hooligans abroad, but gun runners can act with impunity

Observer Worldview

Dan Plesch
Sunday July 21, 2002
The Observer

While Tony Blair is playing a very high profile role trying to solve international 
crises from Kashmir to Iraq, but
his government's policy on arms exports is still encouraging weapons sales to the very 
countries that he is
trying to bring peace to. A new export control act will do little to help.

The most recent example of this problem was the supply of parts for F16 jets that the 
US sells to Israel. It is
this same type of warplane that the Israeli government is using to destroy the 
Palestinian Authority's
buildings. When Jack Straw announced the sale he claimed that there was no significant 
change of policy but
MPs such as Roger Berry expressed outrage that the work of years was being undermined.

So, what is really going on? And can we do better? A new exports control bill will 
become law after passing its
final debate in the House of Lords next Tuesday and last Friday a powerful House of 
Commons Committee
released reviews of arms exports in the last year.

It would be unjust to say that there has been no change at all since the Tories were 
in office. Under Robin
Cook, the government adopted a Code of Conduct on arms exports after extensive 
pressure from groups
including Amnesty and Oxfam. With the support of other governments, notably Sweden, 
and an international
coalition of non-governmental organisations, the EU adopted a code of conduct on arms 
exports in 1997. This
was the first time that the EU had ever sought to control the arms market. In Britain, 
the government for the
first time began to publish an annual report recording where British arms have been 
sold. Until then, the UK
has kept this record a closely guarded secret.

However, these codes do not have the force of law and commercial interests - profits 
and jobs - are still
paramount. Four Parliamentary Committees released a joint report on Friday that 
criticized the government
for breaching its own guidelines by selling weapons to countries engaged in civil wars 
including Indonesia and
Sri Lanka.

Most seriously, this Joint Committee, which consists of the Defence, Development, 
Foreign Affairs and
Industry Committees, reserved its strongest criticism for the continued sales to India 
and Pakistan. The two
nuclear- armed nations are still on the brink of war over the disputed province of 
Kashmir. Nevertheless, on
his recent peace mission to the region the Prime Minister was actively promoting sales 
of the Hawk ground-
attack warplane.

On Tuesday, the government will get its new export control bill through its final 
stages in parliament. Again,
Tony Blair has supported the officials in the Department of Trade and Industry who are 
loyally supporting the
interests of major arms manufacturers. Despite making great claims for a new approach 
to policy, the new
law is so full of 'loopholes' that the whole thing should rightly be seen just as an 
arms exports assistance act.

In the late 1990s, high ranking retired officers such as the former UN commander in 
Bosnia, General Sir
Michael Rose, joined with groups like Christian Aid and Saferworld to press Tony Blair 
to create stronger
restrictions on arms sales by turning the 'Code' into law. But far from getting better 
the new law simply
reduces to non-binding advice key issues which have widespread support. These 
principles include the need
to consider the impact arms sales may have on peace in the regions they are being sent 
to and on harm they
may do to the economic development of Third World nations. The most recent example 
came with a proposed
sale of an overpriced military air-traffic control system to Tanzania which only a 
last minute intervention from
Clare Short held up.

In addition to undermining these well established and common sense criteria, the new 
law also fails to
introduce proper political and policing controils on weapons sales.

MPs are not to be allowed to know in advance, where the government is considering 
selling weapons to. This
was a key recommendation of the Joint Committee and is a practice that is common in 
other EU states and
even in the US.

There will be new restrictions on the middle men who broker arms deals but they can be 
side-stepped with
ease. It is as if the rules were made just so something was seen to be being done. A 
key problem is that
there will be no regulation of deals made by UK citizens when they are abroad. So just 
step off the Eurostar
in Brussels and any arms deal you make will be beyond our law. In many Third World 
states with weak law
and order Britiish and other Western businessmen can act with impunity. Only by making 
their actions there
illegal under UK law can we deal with the harm our citizens are doing overseas. We 
seem to manage to
control the actions of football hooligans overseas so why can't we tackle the far more 
serious problem of gun
running.

For people trading arms while still working in Britain the government has introduced a 
system of regulation.
But anyone can apply on a case-by-case basis. We may need a license to own a dog or a 
TV set, but not not
if you want ship guns to Yemen, Colombia or Indonesia.

But should we be bothering to try to control armaments at all? And if so what kind of 
system can we really
make stick?

The conventional 'realistic' view is that we need arms exports to keep our industry 
going because it is vital to
the nation's security. But the reality is that more often than our and other nations' 
exports end up being used
in Iraq or other nations where we end up having to send out armed forces. A classic 
case of creating demand
for our own products.

Then it is argued that there is no point in trying to introduce ethical standards. The 
absurdity of this
argument becomes clear when one realises that many of those who oppose an ethical 
policy, such as Lord
Chalfont, are the same people who told us that we had to wage the Cold War as an 
ethical, moral struggle
against communism.

In tackling the arms issue it is time to move beyond codes and regulation and 
reintroduce the security agenda
that even in the 1960s was considered quite seriously. This is to aim for the 
systematic global management
and elimination of armaments. Far from being an impractical dream there are already a 
set of concrete
agreements that can be built on. Back in 1990, NATO and the Soviet Union agreed and 
stuck to incredibly
detailed agreements that resulted in thousands of tanks and guns being crushed and 
chopped up. In the
Balkans, the arms control section of the Dayton Agreement that ended the Bosnian war 
is even more detailed
and is working well.

Today these deals should serve as models for the ultimate goal on the Indian 
subcontinent, South East Asia
and even the Middle East. The government is obsessed with target dates. It should 
propose a target of 2010
for a global system to manage and whereever posssible destroy weapons of every 
description.

� Dan Plesch is Senior Research Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute 
(www.rusi.org ) and writes a
regular monthly online commentary for Observer Worldview. You can contact him via 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] or
send your views to Observer site editor Sunder Katwala at 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] with comments
on articles or ideas for future pieces.

About Observer Comment Extra

The Observer website carries additional online commentary each week, responding to 
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Comment and
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offer a piece. The Observer's
online commentaries are also trailed in the print pages of the newspaper.

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