-Caveat Lector-

>From http://www.economist.com/opinion/displayStory.cfm?story_id=1247449

The travails of George Bush

It's the economy, boss
Jul 25th 2002

>From The Economist print edition


George Bush is losing control of the American political agenda

Reuters




CAN it really be happening again? A decade ago,
George Bush senior let a seemingly simple re-election slip out of his grasp, as 
economic problems and a
perception that the president was out of touch obscured his triumphs abroad. Now the 
son for whom that
defeat was a cataclysmic experience also appears to be drifting, as the war against 
terrorism has given way
to corporate scandals, falling stockmarkets and the idea that a rich Republican 
president is out of touch.

George Bush junior is not in as bad a fix as his father was�not least because he does 
not face re-election for
another two-and-a-half years. But he is still in a fix. The man who promised to clean 
up Washington, DC, now
finds his press conferences dominated by corporate shenanigans at Harken Energy (where 
he was a director)
and Halliburton (where Dick Cheney was boss). His reaction to America's �crisis of 
capitalism� has been
derided as meek. His attempt to calm the stockmarkets has failed. His huge tax cut has 
helped push the
government into deficit. Abroad, his allies have sniped at Mr Bush about his policies 
towards Afghanistan,
Arafat and agriculture (just to name things beginning with A).

The Democrats now talk confidently of taking back the House of Representatives in the 
November mid-term
elections, giving them control of Congress (see article). It would be foolish to be 
certain of this: the
Republicans might, for instance, lose the House but regain control of the Senate, 
where local personalities
matter more. But the fact that voters will receive their ravaged 401(k) pension 
statements in October will not
help Mr Bush's troops.

Even without a Democratic Congress, the legislative agenda seems to be slipping away 
from the conservative
ideals he once trumpeted. All the current proposals seem to be about increasing the 
scope of government. Of
course, some of the new bureaucracy stems from security measures; but the shift to 
bigger government
ranges from prescription drugs to farmers. The notion of Mr Bush now steering through 
anything with the
scope of his tax cut or his education bill seems remote. All in all, the impression is 
of a presidency on the
defensive�and considerably smaller than it once seemed.

This unflattering image is partly a trick of perspective. Back when Mr Bush began his 
presidency, the idea that
he might lose control of Congress in the mid-term elections was close to accepted 
wisdom. Presidents tend to
get clobbered after a couple of years; Ronald Reagan bounced back emphatically from a 
poor result in 1986,
Bill Clinton from a catastrophe in 1994. Only a year ago, Mr Bush was in a pickle, 
after the defection of
Senator Jim Jeffords handed the upper chamber to the Democrats. Step back a little, 
and the �extraordinary�
part of Mr Bush's presidency is not the current downturn in his political fortunes, 
but the surge that occurred
after September 11th. And he still keeps a bit of that shine: even now, his approval 
ratings remain
comfortably positive. Imagine, just for the sake of argument, that the economy were to 
keep growing and Mr
Bush were to depose Saddam Hussein by next summer. In that case, he could well romp to 
victory in 2004.




Politics is about momentum, and for the moment Mr Bush is rolling downhill


That is possible. Yet Mr Bush would be foolish to take too much comfort, for two 
reasons. First, politics is
about momentum, and for the moment he is rolling downhill. Though it is easy to 
imagine him recovering
triumphantly from his current predicament, it could also get worse. The economy could 
follow the stockmarket
(see article). The probes into Mr Bush's and Mr Cheney's past could turn up something 
nasty. The war against
Iraq could go badly, or it could be delayed by events in the Middle East, where his 
current peace �plan� looks
ever less adequate. And, second, his current poor showing is not just a matter of 
political spin; it reflects real
disappointments.


The disappearing presidency

The Economist endorsed Mr Bush two years ago, and we have given strong support to 
America's
war against terrorism. After September 11th, he proved a brave leader, sometimes 
magnificently patient and
determined, surpassing this newspaper's expectations of how he might handle such a 
crisis. But there have
also been disappointments. His economic policy has too often been amateurish and 
rigid. His fiscal policy still
seems to be based on making his gigantic tax cut permanent after 2010 rather than 
worrying about stimulus
now. His trade policy�notably his steel tariffs and farm subsidies�has been 
discouraging. Abroad, his
foreign-policy successes have been undermined by a needlessly self-centred strain: 
allies have been
pointlessly antagonised, domestic lobby groups cravenly indulged (the UN was the 
target, this week, again
�see article).




�Gridlock�, with different parties in charge of Congress and the White House, might 
not be bad for America


>From this perspective, �gridlock�, with different parties in charge of the Congress 
>and White House, might not
be bad for America. A Democratic Congress might enlighten a few of his more blinkered 
urges in foreign policy
and may even bring his economic policy into line�though it would be unlikely to help 
on trade. In a perfect
world, Mr Bush would veto Democratic spending splurges, while the Democrats stopped 
more tax cuts
(though they could both indulge the other's weakness). But there are things that Mr 
Bush plainly needs to do
sooner.

The priority has to be the economy. Signing a just-passed bill that will regulate 
auditors more closely (a drive
Mr Bush should have led, not resisted) is not enough. As The Economist went to press, 
the White House was
making a belated push to get �fast-track� trade promotion authority through Congress. 
It is also clear that he
needs to change his economic team, which has no steadying figure to match, say, Donald 
Rumsfeld at
defence. Holding the line on spending will be extremely hard, not least because of Mr 
Bush's own profligacy.

And the war against terrorism? This, more than ever, seems the heart of the Bush 
presidency. Mr Bush has
enjoyed wide support at home and abroad, largely because he has generally been seen to 
be acting in the
interests of the whole world. Soon the issue of Iraq will present itself. Any 
well-founded impression that the
timing is governed by domestic political concerns would be ruinous. The Bush 
presidency can cope with a little
fading; it cannot cope with a general perception that it cares only for its own 
survival.





Copyright � 2002 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved.
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