-Caveat Lector-
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--- Begin Message --- -Caveat Lector- Two articles:
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The Bush/Cheney 2000 campaign waited until the last day - July 15, 2002 - to filepapers showing just who paid for the Florida recount efforts that landed them in the White House. Americans now know that two corporate scofflaws, Enron and Halliburton, played key roles in the Bush/Cheney victory.
Florida Recount Funded by Enron & Halliburton
The Bush Family's Made Men
Bush's Magical Mystery Tour
www.thedailyenron.com/documents/20020730...
JULY 30: If George W. Bush were cast as a TV sitcom character he would have to be modeled after ad man Darrin of Bewitched or Astronaut Roger of I Dream of Jeannie - a hapless fellow whose success hinges almost entirely on the extraordinary powers of others.
And so it was when the presidency hung by a thread in Florida during the last election. A contentious recount was underway and the genies that had gotten Bush so far assembled en masse to assure his victory over Al Gore.
Only now are those last-minute efforts fully becoming known. According to papers filed with the IRS on July 15, nearly $14 million magically poured into the Bush/Cheney Florida recount effort - four times the amount raised by the Gore/Lieberman camp.
The money flowed in so fast, and in such enormous chunks, that Bush campaign officials - unaccustomed to Bush's perennial good fortune - were dumbfounded. "I think we were a little bit stunned by the amount we received," Benjamin Ginsberg, a Bush attorney for the recount, told USA Today.
According to IRS documents, the Bush campaign took in $13.8 million, most in large contributions. Listed among those large contributors were Bush and Cheney's two most reliable genies - Enron and Halliburton.
While the Gore/Lieberman campaign filed its IRS disclosures of their Florida recount expenditures months ago, the Bush's recount fund filed the required forms at the very last moment allowed by law. July 15 was the final day of an IRS amnesty program for groups that hadn't already complied with the law.
"They obviously begrudgingly disclosed, and did it way after the fact," said Larry Noble, executive director of the Center for Responsive Politics. "It's better than nothing, but it would have been better to have disclosed it when the money was coming in."
The filings show that as soon as a recount was announced, Bush forces moved quickly. Money was no object. They dispatched over 100 lawyers to Florida and Texas, booking hundreds of plane tickets, rental cars and hotel rooms.
Among the expenditures listed was a payment of $13,000 to Enron Corp. and $2,400 to Halliburton Co. for the use of their corporate jets and other unspecified services.
"Eighteen months after the election, we find that the (Bush) administration literally flew into office on the Enron corporate jet," said Jennifer Palmieri, press secretary for the Democratic National Committee. "The administration's close ties with unscrupulous corporations like Enron and Halliburton prevent it from showing real leadership on corporate reform."
Former Enron CEO Kenneth Lay and his wife also donated $5,000 apiece, according to the filings.
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Bush enacts law cracking down on corporate and accounting fraud
[BUT ...]
JENNIFER LOVEN, Associated Press Writer
Wednesday, July 31, 2002
�2002 Associated Press
(07-31) 10:12 PDT WASHINGTON (AP) -- Lawmakers criticized White House action on a brand-new law cracking down on corporate fraud, saying President Bush appeared to be weakening the measure mere hours after signing it. Bush turned the legislation into the law of the land in a grand East Room ceremony Tuesday, with tough talk against boardroom crooks and promises that his administration would pursue them as aggressively as it has hunted terrorists.
Eight hours later, the White House quietly issued a statement outlining how it was interpreting several provisions, including one that grants federal protection to corporate whistle-blowers who present Congress with information that books had been cooked or investors misled.
Bush spokeswoman Claire Buchan said the White House views the provision as shielding whistle-blowers from company retaliation only if they talk to a congressional committee "in the course of an investigation." The protections would not apply when evidence is provided to individual lawmakers or aides, she said.
The belated presidential statement called the interpretation a "careful construction by the executive branch as it faithfully executes the act."
The Bush administration interpretation could most affect lawmakers -- usually those in the minority party who cannot control whether full committees launch formal investigations -- who undertake their own inquiries or receive information from constituents.
White House press secretary Ari Fleischer said Wednesday that whistle-blowers could be protected when bringing information to an individual lawmaker under the new interpretation, but only if Congress changes its rules to give lone lawmakers the authority to conduct congressionally sanctioned investigations. "This is up to Congress," he said.
Asked why the White House felt compelled on Tuesday night to specify those congressional powers, Fleischer said: "This is what lawyers do."
Sens. Patrick Leahy, D-Vt., and Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, who crafted the whistle-blower section, on Wednesday asked the White House to reconsider what they called a narrow and flawed interpretation that is "at odds with the plain language of the statute and risks chilling corporate whistleblowers who wish to report securities fraud to members of Congress."
Their letter to Bush said the new law contains "no limitation" on protections for whistle-blowers, whether or not they are providing information to Congress through an active investigation. They noted that investigations often do not begin until someone brings information forward about wrongdoing, often to their own senator or representative.
Tuesday night, Grassley called the White House move "disturbing."
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