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-Caveat Lector- 14. AmeriCares Foundation
helped form rescue missions that helped Saigon children raise money for their welfare by shining shoes for U.S. soldiers. He went into personal debt to assist in the l975 evacuation airlift of Vietnamese associated with the U.S. occupation in Vietnam.(7,18) Closely associated with the elite conservative Catholic lay order Knights of Malta, AmeriCares currently distributes most of its goods through that organization in Central America.(18) Corporate magnate J. Peter Grace, head of the Knights of Malta in the United States, said he initiated medical shipments to Central America in l983 by calling Macauley and proposing that AmeriCares and the Knights of Malta work together in the region.(4) AmeriCares is a high profile organization. It is generally the first private voluntary organization to arrive at the scene of a disaster with humanitarian aid. Often a prominent political figure--in recent years frequently a member of the Bush family-- is on board to deliver the shipment, and the U.S. ambassador to15. Americares Foundation AmeriCares was also the first U.S. humanitarian aid group on the scene providing supplies to refugees fleeing from Kuwait to Jordan. Initial shipments were met by the U.S. ambassador to Jordan, Roger Harrison.(42) The organization, working with the Knights of Malta, channeled more than $14 million in donated medical aid to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras between l982 and l984. The bulk of those supplies, valued at approximately $10 million, went to hospitals and clinics in El Salvador.(4) In 1985, the group sent $20 million in donated supplies to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The l986 total exceeded $20 million.(2)
16. AmeriCares Foundation through l984. Much of that total was distributed by the armed forces for its "model village" program aimed at resettling and "pacifying" Guatemalans displaced during counterinsurgency operations.(4). Honduras: AmeriCares began its official operations in Honduras in l985, aided by the longer presence of the Knights of Malta whose special diplomatic status facilitates the movement of AmeriCares supplies through customs and exempts the group from taxes. AmeriCares provides donated medicine and food to l63 clinics of the health ministry as well as to l3 private clinics.(19) A portion of the $680,000 in aid that AmeriCares shipped to
17. AmeriCares Foundation humanitarian assistance organization which has conducted major operations along the border between Honduras and Nicaragua. It has assisted Nicaraguan refugees, the contras, and contra families.(34,35) As in the rest of Central America, AmeriCares works closely with the Knights of Malta in Honduras. Their efforts support military civic actions and counterrevolutionary programs, but they also provide supplies to the Ministry of Health for clinics throughout the country.(19) The organization supplies the hospital and clinics of Friends of the Americas along the Nicaraguan border in La Mosquitia and in the Danli area. It also provides medicine to clinics run by the Brigadas de Salud in Catacamas, Trujillo, La Ceiba, El Progreso, San Pedro, Santa Barbara, Siguatepeque, and Choluteca.
On the island of Amapala in the Gulf of Fonsecas another clinic supplied by the group. This island has become an important communications and intelligence post for the U.S. military. As described below in Govt Connections, the combined AmeriCares/Knights of Malta operation in Honduras has a mutually supportive relationship with the Honduran armed forces.(19) In early 1990, a 20-member AmeriCares team traveled to southern Honduras to provide aid to an area along the border with Nicaragua. They were accompanied by Ted Keary of the Central America Medical and Dental Foundation (see below), a group which has provided extensive humanitarian assistance in Honduras.(32) Nicaragua: In l985 and l986, AmeriCares shipped more than $l00,000 worth of newsprint to the opposition daily, La Prensa, in
Managua.This included delivery of 200 tons ofnewsprint to the newspaper in l986.(16,24) The Knights of Malta handled the local arrangements in Nicaragua.(28) Its l985 tax return indicated that AmeriCares delivered $73,136 worth of food and medical supplies to La Prensa, but Jim Schaffer, a former official in the organization, says that only newsprint was sent.(24) An attempted shipment of another l5 tons of newsprint from AmeriCares to La Prensa in April l988 was blocked by the Sandinista government which accused AmeriCares of
18. AmeriCares Foundation
network.(28) In February 1990, following the elections in Nicaragua which ousted the Sandinistas,
AmeriCares sent a team to the country to deliver humanitarian aid and assess Nicaragua's medical needs. The shipment of medical and nutritional supplies donated by the group was valued at about $1 million. The Catholic Church and the Knights of Malta were given responsibility for distributing the aid. The AmeriCares team was accompanied by Ted Keary and Einar Ruud of the Cape Cod Chapter of the Central America Medical and Dental Foundation, another humanitarian aid group. Keary and Ruud were traveling as advisers to AmeriCares.(32) Following the trip, AmeriCares intended to begin more regular assistance to groups in Nicaragua.(32) President Bush's son Marvin accompanied the second AmeriCares shipment to Nicaragua. This shipment was met by Knights of Malta ambassador Roberto Alejos Arzu, a man with a long history of rightwing politics and CIA links in Guatemala. Alejos lent his plantation in Guatemala to the CIA for training troops for the Bay of Pigs invasion.(37) Panama: AmeriCares was the first private voluteer organization to19. AmeriCares Foundation Powell, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and deputy secretaries of the Defense and State departments.(41) Mexico: AmeriCares moved into Mexico immediately following the 1985 earthquake in Mexico City, sending an airlift of medical supplies valued at $1,514,755.(30,39) Work in Mexico is supported by the Knights of Malta and directed by Julieta Conroy De Hegewisch of the Fundacion De Apoyo Social I.A.P. There were four medical projects active in 1990: Jesus Obrero Parish, San Gerardo Mayela Parish, the Community of Fas Hidalgo, and General Hospital of Mexico. AmeriCares has worked cooperatively with SHARE in Mexico (See Private Connections).(30) 20. AmeriCares Foundation AmeriCares receives support from AID for its transport costs to El Salvador.(26) Honduras: AmeriCares received an Agency for International Development grant of $2.7 million for work on the Nicaragua- Honduras border.(8) Joint projects by AmeriCares and Knights of Malta in Honduras rely on the Honduran army for transportation assistance.
The joint operations also contribute supplies for the army's civic action programs, and the Fifth Battalion, based in La Mosquitia, has thanked the groups for their support of military civic actions along the Nicaraguan border in towns such as Awasbila and Ilaya, where contras have been based.(19) AmeriCares was 21. AmeriCares Foundation Bush. Ritter served in 1985 and 1986 on Attorney General Edwin Meese's commission opposing pornography. Ritter was an outspoken opponent of pornography of all types, considering it a bad influence that encouraged the sexual exploitation of the young.(31) Private Connections: AmeriCares has worked with, supported, or been supported by a number of groups, including the following: Knights of Malta, Christian Broadcasting Network, the Nicaraguan Freedom Fund, Friends of the Americas, and Brigadas de Salud.(4,5,9,19) AmeriCares has a number of board members in common and works cooperatively with SHARE.
SHARE distributed in Mexico vaccines from AmeriCares that had been refused by the Philippines as being unnecessary and potentially dangerous.(37) The American Medical Association (AMA) solicited pharmaceutical companies for donations to AmeriCares for its January 1990 shipment of medical supplies to Romania. Members of the Knights of Malta accompanied the shipment which was met at the airport by the U.S. ambassador to Budapest, Mark Palmer.(40) During the 1980s AmeriCares sent more aid to Central America than the Knights of Malta could distribute. According to Knight's chief, Roberto Alejos, some shipments were turned over to the 700 Club, the Air Commando Association, and Covenant House.(37) Howard Rusk is on the Board of Directors of the International Rescue Committee and on the Committee of Sponsors of Helen Keller International.(13,14) Rusk is also on the Board of Directors of the World Rehabilitation Fund.(23) J. Peter Grace is chairman of W.R. Grace and Company which focuses its business activities in latin America. He heads the U.S. chapter of the Knights of Malta and was a board member of rodemca.
Grace was board chairman of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), a CIA-linked organization funded by the Agency for International Development that promotes pro-U.S. labor unions in Latin America.(37) Grace was a trustee of the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, a group connected to the CIA that helped ex-Nazi intelligence officers escape prosecution.(47) William Simon and Prescott Bush Jr. are also members of the Knights of Malta, and Simon was also on Prodemca's national council. Both Prodemca and the Knights of Malta were involved in efforts to support the contras and/or private sector opposition groups in Nicaragua. Simon, who was Treasury Secretary under Richard Nixon, was also the chairman of the Nicaraguan Freedom Fund (NFF), a fundraising organization set up in l985 by the Washington Times, a newspaper owned by the Unification Church. The NFF was established to raise funds for the contras.(12,17) Simon is an international 22. AmeriCares Foundation 45. David Ivon, "International Freedom Foundation," Covert Action Information Bulletin, #31, Winter 1989. 46. Phone interview with investigative reporter Sidney Blumenthal, Sep 20, 1990. 47. Penny Lernoux, "Who Knows? Knights of Malta Know," National Catholic Reporter, May 5, 1989.
See also:
----- Original Message -----From: The WebfairySent: Friday, August 02, 2002 4:24 PMSubject: [CIA-DRUGS] [Fwd: KNIGHTS OF MALTA: CHARITY & FASCISM]
-------- Original Message --------
From: "Aftermath News" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [APFN] KNIGHTS OF MALTA: CHARITY & FASCISM
WHO'S WHO ? - KNIGHTS OF MALTA KNOW
CENTURIES-OLD CATHOLIC ORDER
COMBINES CHARITY, RIGHT-WING POLITICS
http://www.mosquitonet.com/~prewett/ncrmay891113.html
>From ............... National Catholic Reporter
May 5, 1989
By- [the late] Penny Lernoux
FEATURE
WHO'S WHO ? - KNIGHTS OF MALTA KNOW
CENTURIES-OLD CATHOLIC ORDER
COMBINES CHARITY, RIGHT-WING POLITICS
[2 of 3] page 11
P-2 was unmasked in 1981 during police investigations into the Mafia
contacts and financial crimes of Italian banker Michele Sindona, who for
many years was the chief influence in the Vatican Bank, thanks to his
contacts with Paul VI and Prince Massimo Spada, a Vatican nobleman, top
financial adviser to the Holy See, and a Knight of Malta. Numerous members
of P-2 also turned out to be Knights of Malta, including several military
and police intelligence chiefs and bankers.
The most sinister was Count Umberto Ortolani, SMOM's ambassador to Uruguay
and the brains behind the P-2. Ortolani had extensive bank and real estate
holdings in Uruguay and was at one time the head of Uruguay's second-largest
private bank, Banco Financiero Sudamericano. He also established a P-2
branch in Montevideo, with about 500 members, including prominent military
hard-liners. When the P-2 scandal broke, Ortolani fled to Sao Paulo, Brazil,
whence the Italian police were unable to extradite him, because of Brazil's
resistant extradition laws.
The membership overlap of P-2 and SMOM is not surprising in view of the
conspiratorial, right-wing outlook of some factions of the European Knights.
For example, SMOM members also belong to the European Freedom Council, a
spin-off of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations. The bloc is itself a
regional federation of ex-Nazis, including the Croatian Ustashi, that came
into being with U.S. financial aid in another variation of Project Paperclip
and the rehabilitation of "Ghelen Org" by the OSS/CIA. These groups form the
core of the ultraright World Anti-Communist League [WACL], which in the
1980s oversaw the private funding network for the Nicaraguan contras in
cooperation with the New York branch of SMOM and a cabal of American
Knights, including former CIA Director William Casey and J. Peter Grace.
The Knights as a group are primarily attracted by the cachet of membership
in an ancient and romantic religious order and by the noblesse oblige of a
charity sponsored by aristocrats. Or as one specialist put it, "Humberto
Ortolani is quite a different case from a vice president of a Midwest
corporation in the United States."
On the other hand, the process of selection guarantees that those
recommended for membership by the national associations and their
"protectors" [either the local cardinal or king or queen] share a political
outlook and exercise political and economic influence. Prospective members
cannot apply to join but are recommended by the existing membership for what
is usually pro forma approval by headquarters in Rome.
As in any aristocratic organization, children have hereditary rights of
membership, which they do not always exercise [Kennedy children failed to
join]. Members of local SMOM associations tend to frequent the same clubs
and boardrooms. Often, they have gone to the same schools and followed
parallel careers in government and business. In the United States they are
virtually a Catholic establishment.
Contrary to conspiracy theories that SMOM is running a secret world
government, its dubious character arises from the actions of individual
Knights or groups of Knights who support political projects that "would be
good for our side," in the words of a knowledgeable church source. SMOM is
more useful for such projects than a private club or foundation because its
sovereign status provides diplomatic immunity - valuable in sending
shipments through foreign customs, for example - and it maintains a network
of contacts around the world. A SMOM seal on a Knight's project also gives
it the appearance of church support, although the Vatican may have no
control over the venture or even know of its existence. This is particularly
true of the activities of Knights outside Europe, most of whom are not
personally known to headquarters in Rome.
In any case, headquarters is hardly equipped to run a world conspiracy.
Housed in a small palace on a narrow, crowded Roman street, SMOM's offices
are more suitable to a museum than a military command post. The order's
grand master, Sir Andrew Bertie, a Scottish friar and a cousin of England's,
Queen Elizabeth, and his court are primarily concerned with protocol,
knightly honors and the Vatican intrigue that inevitably infects church
institutions in Rome. Church sources familiar with SMOM's workings dismiss
the idea that the prince is "privy to all the schemes of Knights in other
countries," and they cite the case of J. Peter Grace Jr., the best-known
American Knight and the most controversial.
Scion of the W.R. Grace fortune in Latin America, Grace is high-handed,
ambitious and frenetically busy. Such qualities helped him build the family
business from annual sales of $12 million when he took control in 1945 to
$7.1 billion by the mid-1980s, but they have not always endeared him to the
church. Although Grace is admired for his fundraising on behalf of Catholic
institutions, he evokes mixed reactions in New York church circles, where he
is seen as a second power center in competition with the archdiocese through
his position as president of the U.S. eastern Knights.
Spellman, who was tough as nails and shared Grace's right-wing philosophy,
knew how to handle the Knight, but later cardinals who fell heir to the role
of "Grand Protector" found the relationship more vexing. According to a
source intimate with Terence Cooke, Spellman's successor, the cardinal had
difficulty controlling Grace. "He would call up five and six times a month
with some idea, and Cooke would tell him, 'Peter, you can't do that,'
because Grace was involving the Knights of Malta in a political scheme.
Ordinary Knights out in the Middle West aren't into that sort of thing, but
Peter, who is a crusader and really believes he is a religious knight, would
use them for his political schemes. And he was all over the place.
One minute we would get a message that he was flying to Brazil, the next to
Japan. You never knew what he would get into next. Cooke was always afraid
he would drag the Knights and the church into some political mess involving
the government. He wanted to send a complaint to Rome about Grace's
activities, but who do you complain to in Rome? Some old gentleman in a
marble palace at SMOM headquarters ?
Grace got the Knights involved in contra funding when Cooke was dying, and
Cooke's chief concern, even though he was so ill, was Grace. 'What's Peter
doing?' he would ask. Grace can never get enough power, and he can cause the
church embarrassment. He's a very important Catholic layman who speaks to
Republican corporate leaders who are Catholics and who is identified with
Reaganism. He has done some good things for the church, such as his
charitable foundation, but he is dangerous."
One expert on the Knights of Malta came to similar conclusions: "When Grace
puts pressure on the archdiocese, he is saying, I am an important Catholic
layman. But he is doing it for political reasons. Nor should one forget that
W.R. Grace is a major corporate power."
Blunt and often outrageous, Grace has been accustomed to flaunting his power
since he was a young executive in his father's empire. In those days, W.R.
Grace was chiefly involved in shipping, planes, sugar plantations and mining
in Latin America, and some chemicals. But Grace, soured by the loss of
company properties in Cuba after the 1959 revolution and by rising
nationalism in Peru [originally the pillar of the empire], virtually
abandoned Latin America to concentrate on agricultural chemicals, oil and
later, retailing and restaurants.
Grace describes his hobbies as "economics and anticommunism," and he pursued
both in his public activities. For example, he was a trustee of the American
Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, which was founded in 1950 and
later became Radio Liberty.
Under the guiding hand of the CIA, the committee funded various "research
institutes," which were "little more than front groups for ex-Nazi
intelligence officers," according to John Loftus [author of UNHOLY TRINITY ]
who had access to secret documents on the subject as a prosecutor in the
Office of Special Investigations, the Justice Department's Nazi-hunting
unit.
A year after the committee was established, Grace hired a Nazi scientist,
Otto Ambros, following his release from prison, where he had served three
years for war crimes because of his work with I.G. Farben, the multinational
chemical giant that fueled Hitler's war machine. Ambros subsequently became
a director of a subsidiary of the giant Flick conglomerate, another German
dynasty that played a role similar to that of Farben during the war.
While Friedrich Flick Sr. was being tried for war crimes, his son and heir
Friedrich Karl was sent to the United States to work in a small New York
bank controlled by the Grace family. Grace later claimed that the younger
Flick "is like a member of the family."
Flick purchased 26 percent of W.R. Grace stock, but the deal came under
strong attack in Germany when it was revealed that Flick had paid off German
politicians to hush up the illegal use of a tax loophole to make the Grace
investment. Grace got little sympathy from Wall Street when he had to buy
back the flick stock since he has treated the Street much as he has the New
York archdiocese, by thumbing his nose at its advice and warnings.
Grace feels strongly about the "communist threat" in Latin America, and
since the 1960s has actively promoted the American corporate way of life in
the region. For many years he was board chairman of the American Institute
for Free Labor Development [AIFLD], a Trojan horse for the multinationals
and the State Department that was involved in a string of U.S.-supported
coups, including the overthrow of elected governments in Brazil and the
Dominican Republic.
He also chaired a businessmen's committee charged with evaluating President
Kennedy's Alliance for Progress that recommended less aid to the Latin
Americans and more tax breaks and subsidies for
U.S. corporations. He expressed his feelings about Latin Americans and
government aid when he told a meeting of the American Feed and Grain
Manufacturers Association that the number one cause of government waste was
"Puerto Rican food stamps," Puerto Ricans being the biggest recipient of
such aid - a claim that was factually untrue and a racial slur.
His statement caused a furor in Puerto Rico, where his company has
investments, forcing him to fly to the island to make an official apology.
Nevertheless, Grace continued to air his controversial opinions, as in a
$400,000 newspaper and TV advertising campaign in support of Reaganomics. He
nagged so much about government waste that Reagan finally appointed him to
head a task force on ways to reduce government spending.
The task force produced some 2,500 recommendations, including those by
representatives of oil, plastics and chemical corporations, among them W.R.
Grace, who were charged with advising the government on how to prune
spending by the Environmental Protection Agency. Congressional committees
raised the question of conflict of interest, since W.R. Grace was embroiled
in a major lawsuit in Massachusetts over W.R. Grace's alleged contamination
of well water. In any case, the Congressional Budget Office and the General
Accounting Office, which reviewed the task force's work, found that few of
the recommendations were of practical use.
In addition to running the task force and his company, Grace found time to
support the attack by Michael Novak and William Simon on the U.S. bishops'
economic pastoral; the Reagan-backed, anti-Castro radio station, Radio
Marti; and various schemes against the Sandinistas, including a contra lobby
headed by Lewis Lehrman, a drugstore tycoon, former candidate against Mario
Cuomo for governor of New York and a Knight of Malta.
In May 1984, when Managua's Cardinal Obando y Bravo was visiting Cardinal
John O'Connor in New York, a Grace representative was dispatched to meet
with the Nicaraguan to discuss his request for money for his archdiocese's
leadership formation programs. No friend of the Sandinistas, the cardinal
painted the situation in Nicaragua in the blackest terms, according to a
memorandum of the conversation sent to Grace. The memo recommended that
funds from the Sarita Kenedy East Foundation, of which Grace had partial
control, be used to support the cardinal's programs since they "represent
the best organized opposition in Nicaragua."
Some $30,000 was reportedly earmarked for the Managua archdiocese, but the
plan was ruined by public revelation of the memo and Obando's meeting with a
Grace representative. In the end, the aid was limited to a shipment of
rosaries that was confiscated by Nicaraguan customs. Although Obando later
claimed that he had never solicited money from W.R. Grace, the memorandum
from Peter Grace's representative, John Meehan, clearly showed that Obando
had hoped to obtain substantial financial support from the Catholic
millionaire.
O'Connor, who is SMOM's current "Grand Protector," strongly supported Obando
and saw nothing untoward in making the archdiocese's offices available for
the 90 minute interview with Meehan. As a close associate of the cardinal
explained, O'Connor believed in respect for the hierarchy, and he
"implicitly trusted" Obando, whereas he felt "total repugnance" for the so
called "popular church" that supported the Sandinista government.
On the other hand, said his associate, O'Connor was not unaware "of the
horror stories about the contras," and he supported the policy of the U.S.
bishops" conference in opposing aid to the contras.
Grace, in contrast, was gung ho for the contra cause and used SMOM's network
to help provide private funding. Millions of dollars in supplies were
channeled through the Knights to the contra camps in Honduras; distribution
was facilitated by SMOM's diplomatic privileges and its Central American
membership. Among the largest shipments handled by the Knights were those
from the Americares Foundation, directed, among others, by Grace; former
Treasury Secretary William Simon, also a Knight; and Prescott Bush Jr.,
brother of President George Bush.
Founded during the Vietnam war to raise money for Saigon children,
Americares later focused its attention on Poland, Lebanon, Afghanistan and
Central America. Most of its supplies are donated by U.S. pharmaceutical
companies and AID, ...........
[AID is US taxpayer funded "Agency for International Development" .... JP ]
............. but it also received contributions from Pat Robertson's
Christian Broadcasting Network. Another important contributor was the
Nicaraguan Freedom Fund, established by the Reverend Sun Myung Moon's
Unification Church. Simon was a board member of the fund, as was cold
warrior Clare Booth Luce, SMOM's leading American Dame and a board member of
Moon's 'Washington Times.'
Logistics in Central America were handled by Roberto Alejos, a wealthy
Guatemalan sugar and coffee grower who was SMOM's ambassador to Honduras and
had had a relationship with the CIA since 1960 when the agency used his
estates to train Cubans for the Bay of Pigs invasion. Grace's explanation of
why the Knights of Malta were running the supply network instead of such
established aid groups as the Red Cross was that "the Knights have been
doing this for 900 years. They have their own cross [the Maltese cross]
.....They'd consider themselves way beyond the Red Cross."
Although Grace told fellow Knights that their good deeds in Central America
"reflect glory on the Order of Malta," on-the-spot investigations showed
just the contrary. Supplies sent to Guatemala, for example, were used by the
military in its "model village" program, which forcibly relocated Indian
peasants to controlled settlements that were little better than
concentration camps. A report by a Canadian government aid mission to El
Salvador stated that the Knights' supplies were also going to
military-controlled relocation camps of displaced Salvadorans.
Santa Tecla, the camp the mission visited with the Knights of Malta
ambassador, "left an awful impression on us," according to the Canadian
report. In some ways, it reminded us more of a squalid prison camp than a
social rehabilitation or reintegration experiment." Yet another settlement,
near San Juan de Opico, adjoined a heavy artillery training camp for the
military and "caused some trepidation to those installed there."
The Canadians questioned the "neutrality of relocation schemes undertaken by
a government at war with part of its own population" and drew a sharp
distinction between groups like AID, the Knights of Malta and Project Hope,
which were working with the government, and independent charitable
organizations that served the people's needs. The mission recommended that
the Canadian government not participate in any of the government-associated
projects.
It was clear to the Canadians that the U.S. and Salvadoran governments were
attempting to destroy any possible peasant support for the guerrillas by
bombing the peasants out of the countryside and forcing them into relocation
camps similar to the "model villages" in Guatemala. Unlike the Knights of
Malta, the Canadians wanted nothing to do with a plan that they said was
"ethically questionable."
In contrast to Grace's Knights, SMOM members in other parts of the country
are more circumspect [the U.S. membership is divided into three associations
- eastern, southern and western]. In California, for example, most of the
Knights' charity goes to traditional good works, such as hospitals and
clinics. But, of course, the western Knights do not have such a determined
crusader to lead them.
Grace, who often works 16 to 18 hours a day, is a driven man.
[Not any more. Peter Grace died around 1994-5 ...... JP ]
He always wears two watches, one with the local time wherever he happens to
be, the other with the time back at New York headquarters. He is in such a
hurry that, on occasion, he dictates to two secretaries at the same time. He
wears a gun in his belt, which he will display when showing off a 34-inch
waist - one of his many vanities. Another is his refusal to wear a hearing
aid, forcing people to shout to make themselves heard.
Although he is famous for telling off his executives and for demanding
yards-long "spread sheets" with infinitesimal operating detail, a former
executive gave him high marks for building W.R. Grace into a corporate
giant. As to the "spread sheets," he said, Grace "feels about numbers as
other men do about women or alcohol. It's a passion."
Passionate is also a good description of Grace's feelings about peace
activists, affirmative action, environmental programs, government
bureaucracy and the media, all of which he loathes. Described by one
biographer as "a living example of the roots of Reaganism," Grace hates the
New Deal and passionately yearns for a time when business was unfettered.
But he also stands in the older SMOM tradition of kings and crusading
knights. His stamp on the eastern chapter of SMOM, which he has led for many
years, is clearly reflected in the choice of members, eight of whom are on
the board of W.R. Grace, including the order's chancellor, John D.J. Moore,
former U.S. ambassador to Ireland.
Other influential Knights and Dames include(d):
William Casey, director of the CIA from 1981 until his death, in 1987.
Casey, who began his government career as chief of the OSS covert
intelligence branch in Western Europe, symbolized SMOM links to the U.S. and
European intelligence services.
[ JFK's CIA Director, John McCone, also a SMOM .... JP ]
Casey was a good example of the cynicism of some Catholics in government - a
man who could divorce public morality from private morality without seeing
the connection. According to the Washington Post, he had intended to lie to
a Senate commission about the sale of U.S. arms to Iran by saying that
government authorities knew nothing about the delivery of U.S. antitank
missiles. Casey changed his testimony, said the Post, only after Secretary
of State George Shultz raised hell.
The Post's' Bob Woodward confirmed - as did Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North
- that Casey was aware of the illegal transfer of money to the contras from
U.S. arms sales to Iran. Nevertheless, he mumble-bumbled through
congressional questioning about the CIA's role in the scandal, asserting in
public that "I don know anything about [a] diversion of funds." [An
intelligence Committee report found that Casey had been "less than candid"
in his testimony to Congress.]
An aggressive businessman and master of deception, Casey was a vain man who
made a fortune as a New York City lawyer. He skirted the law on several
occasions, as in his controversial dealings with fugitive financier Robert
Vesco when Case was head of the Securities and Exchange Commission.
But this did not hurt his standing in Republican circles, and in 1980 he
became Reagan's campaign manager. He received the CIA directorship as a
reward for his services.
Both before and after Reagan nominated him to head the CIA, he was part of a
small inner circle that chose cabinet appointees, and he continued to
influence policy through "The Group," a select gathering
Pictures of- William Casey, Peter Grace, and Cardinal O'Connor.
-END QUOTE-
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