-Caveat Lector-

>From http://www.observer.co.uk/comment/story/0,6903,780386,00.html

Without prejudice



Hawks in the dovecote

Henry Kissinger opposes an Iraqi war. So do the Saudis. And the Turks. With friends 
like
these... Hitchens v Kissinger: talk about it or email [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Iraq: Observer special

Christopher Hitchens
Sunday August 25, 2002
The Observer

It's important to beware of arguments that depend upon the mantra 'the enemy of my
enemy', and it's likewise important to be immune to charges of keeping bad company. In
the days of Vorster and Botha I didn't mind in the least working with Stalinists in 
the anti-
apartheid movement (anyway, it's better to have them where you can see them), and when
it came to helping imprisoned dissenters in Czechoslovakia I couldn't care less that 
Roger
Scruton thought it was a good cause as well. If you pay too much attention to the
shortcomings of your allies, or if you worry about being lumped together with dubious 
or
unpopular types, you are in effect having your thinking done for you.

I must say, however, that Henry Kissinger has never let me down, as a person to consult
before making up my own mind. Stepping lightly over his one-man rolling war-crime wave,
extending from Bangladesh through Indochina to Chile and East Timor, I pause to notice
that he was the man who persuaded President Ford not to invite Alexander Solzhenitsyn 
to
the White House. He was the chief defender in the West of the right of the Chinese
Communists to massacre their own students in the centre of Beijing. He made himself
conspicuous on the American Right by being one of the few to argue that Slobodan
Milosevic should be left alone.

A week or so ago I wondered when he was going to pronounce on the impending
confrontation with Iraq. And I bet right. He is against it. So is his former 
colleague, and
partner in the dread firm of Kissinger Associates, General Brent Scowcroft. The 
general is
known to be a ventriloquist, or rather dummy, for George Bush Senior, who is now widely
reported as being in the dove-camp, or dovecote. (This incidentally demolishes one 
facile
argument, or taunt, about George W. picking a fight with Saddam Hussein as part of some
Corsican conception of family honour.)

Those who don't want a 'regime change' in Iraq now include the Saudi royal family, the
Turkish army, the more prominent conservative spokesmen in Congress and the Kissinger
hawks. General Sharon, at least in his public pronouncements, appears to be against it 
as
well. And somebody with a good contact among the Joint Chiefs of Staff seems to be
leaking pessimistic or pacifistic material at a furious rate. Those who like to think 
of
themselves as anti-war or anti-imperialist might wonder what there is left for them to 
say:
all the war-loving imperialist hyenas are barking for peace at the top of their 
leathery old
lungs.

It would be knee-jerkish to conclude merely on this evidence that there might be a
respectable radical case for eliminating Saddam Hussein. But it's certainly worth 
examining
the motives of the anti-war establishment. The Saudis do not want an Americanised Iraq
because it might favour the Shia Muslim majority, which in turn might favour Iran, and 
they
also know that with Iraqi oil back on stream their own near-monopoly position - the 
profits
of which have been used to finance bin Ladenism worldwide - would be much diminished.

The Turks are hostile to the idea because it would almost inevitably extend the area 
of Iraqi
Kurdistan that is currently ruled by its own inhabitants, who abut the restive Kurdish 
zone of
Turkey. A sizeable chunk of the American military and business elite is peacenik as 
well,
either because it fears damage to its polished and expensive arsenal or because it 
fears the
disruption of Opec and the corresponding loss of business and revenue. Jordan's 
operetta
monarchy thinks that it might fall if Iraq is attacked and - even though this collapse 
might
give an opportunity for cleansing the West Bank in the confusion - the Israeli 
hard-liners are
sceptical also.

Shall we just say that the anti-war position is the respectable status quo one? That's
interesting in itself. Who would be the beneficiaries of an intervention, always 
supposing it
went well and Saddam's vaunted army fought no better than it did the last time? Only 
the
Iraqi and Kurdish peoples. Well, from the Kissinger-Saudi-Turkish viewpoint, and from 
the
vantage of the Dallas boardroom, where is the fun in that? The consequences might be - 
if
we employ the revealing word of choice among the conservatives - 'destabilising'.

I have spent a good deal of time over the past year in conversation with the Iraqi 
opposition
factions and the Kurdish forces, who have misgivings of their own about the Bush 
strategy.
They have been used as cannon- fodder in the past, sometimes for operations that were
called off at the last minute. They are well aware that from the empire's point of 
view, the
ideal government in Iraq is a centralised Sunni Muslim military regime, though one
preferably not run by a homicidal megalomaniac. They know that the United States is
perfectly capable of intervening in Iraq's internal affairs, as it did when it 
supported
Saddam's invasion of Iran, or when it provided him with weapons and diplomatic cover
during his genocide in Kurdistan in the 1980s. I have been in Halabja, the town that 
was
annihilated with Iraqi chemical weapons, and I have read the Pentagon report that with 
a
straight face blamed the attack on the Iranians. (Those Washington interventions did 
not
arouse the moral ire of the usual anti-war forces.)

What the Iraqi and Kurdish democrats would like is American aid for and endorsement of
their own efforts to replace the regime. And what they fear is what I also fear - a 
heavy-
handed US attack which results in an Iraqi puppet government that is designed to 
placate
the Saudis and the Turks. That, it seems to me, is where a principled critique of the 
war-
planning might begin. But it's depressing to see the status quo Left preferring to 
parrot the
arguments of pacifist realpolitik.

� Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair



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