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WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : Russia & the CIS

Caspian Basin oil pipeline company founded

By Paul Stuart
30 August 2002

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On August 1, after eight years of bitter political intrigue, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan 
Pipeline
Company (BTC Co.) was founded during a document signing ceremony in London.
Witnessed by representatives of the pipeline�s host countries Azerbaijan, Georgia and
Turkey, the new corporation marks a major step in the opening of a new export route for
Caspian Basin oil resources to the United States, Israel and Western European markets.

The objectives of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, according to US officials, is to 
reduce
dependence on OPEC oil producers in the Middle East, create a secure supply of oil to
Israel, and begin to end dependence on Russian and Iranian oil transportation networks
from the Caspian region. The preparation for the huge pipeline has already seen an
escalation of US military activity in the former Soviet Republics bordering Russia, 
integrating
them further into US military plans. The construction phase will see a dramatic further
growth in US military operations.

At an initial cost of $2.5 billion, estimated to double before completion and funded 
from
�free public money� and private finance, BTC Co. will construct, operate and own the 
1,750
kilometre pipeline from Baku in Azerbaijan, through the Georgian capital Tbilisi then 
onto
the Turkish Mediterranean oil terminal at Ceyhan. The pipeline will be ready to pump 
oil in
2005 from a phase one development of the Azeri-Chirag-Gunashli oil field. Its capacity 
will
be one million barrels per day. A 900-km gas pipeline running between Baku-Tbilisi-
Erzarum, terminating in Turkey�s Anatolia region, will form the axis of the US 
sponsored
Eurasian Energy Corridor.

Since the Eurasian Energy Corridor project was officially launched in 1994, the US and
Turkish government�s have sponsored various events announcing the �imminence� of a
deal. As a result such declarations were increasingly greeted with cynicism. This time,
however, pipe-lay contracts have been awarded. Consolidated Contractors International 
of
Greece will construct Azerbaijan�s section. France�s Spie Capag will lead a joint 
venture
with US Petrofac to lay the Georgian sector. BOTAS, the Turkish State pipeline company,
will continue as the lump sum turnkey contractor for the Turkish sector of the 
pipeline.
Bechtel (US) will be the main contractor for engineering, procurement and construction.

The British Petroleum (BP) umbrella consortium, Azerbaijan International Oil Consortium
(AIOC) first signed contracts to explore Azerbaijan�s Caspian oil and gas fields eight 
years
ago. The BTC Co. project has caused fracturing within the Consortium. AIOC major
shareholders, ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco continue to object to the pipeline project 
on
commercial grounds, but the project is ready to move into construction phase.

BP is the leading shareholder in the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline Company. September
marks the tenth anniversary of BP�s outline agreement with Azerbaijan for exploration 
of
the Azeri- Chirag-Gunashli oil field. Since then investment in BP projects in the 
country�s oil
sector total $16 billion and is said to be the most complex infrastructure development 
in the
world.

Since November 1999, BP has shifted from a public �position of scepticism� to leading 
the
formation of BTC Co. BP has not explained the abrupt change of policy, but oil industry
analysts have accused BP of entering a political alliance with the Bush and Blair
governments. A BP spokesman replied that Azerbaijan at present has limited oil 
reserves,
but it is a �key component of its [BP�s] growth strategy� and that �the pipeline was a
strategic route out of the South Caspian and had to be built.�

BP�s policy change was in all likelihood prompted by a combination of the discovery in 
May
1999 of the Azeri Shah-Deniz oil field and the US administration�s financial 
guarantees.

Negotiators for BTC Co. and US politicians were unable to convince executives of
ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco, major shareholders in the AIOC, to become shareholders
in the new corporation. At a conference on the BTC pipeline attended by US government
officials, Chevron vice Chairman Richard Matzke declared, �pipeline projects required 
an
incremental approach grounded in commercial realities, not perceived geopolitical
imperatives.� He added, �Oil cannot be pulled through a pipeline, but can only be 
pushed.�

ChevronTexaco and ExxonMobil are not objecting to political interference in commercial
decisions. Through AIOC they have completed a new Russian pipeline from the Tengiz oil
field in northwest Kazakhstan to the Russian Black Sea port of Novorossiysk. 
Differences
between oil executives over oil pipeline routes from the Caspian fields are not only
commercial, but reflect differing political strategies within the Bush administration.

Oil executives� objections do have substance: the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline passes
through regions of enormous political instability and social unrest. At one stage the 
Azeri
section passes within 10 kilometres of the Azerbaijan and Armenia disputed border 
region,
which caused terrible ethnic wars in the early 1990s. In Georgia the pipeline will pass
through the Pankisi Gorge, home to Chechen forces. The Turkish section passes through 
its
southeastern region, where the Kurdish minority lives.

A spokesman for the London based Kurdish Human Rights group said, �This pipeline would
militarise a corridor running from the Caspian to the Mediterranean.... This could 
threaten
the fragile ceasefire in the Kurdish region through which the pipeline will pass�.

Pete Holibil of Prague based CEE Bank-Watch warned that the jobs promised by host
country governments would not materialise. BP has had to reign in estimates and insist 
that
local economic impacts will be severely limited. Holibil added, �Local people lack 
basic
energy supplies, but the oil and gas from the Caspian will be piped straight to Western
markets. Local communities will be by-passed completely.�

Geostrategic considerations to the fore

Not only is the pipeline created on entirely fresh ground with no previous 
infrastructure
development, it also runs over three regions that suffer regular earthquakes. 
According to
an environmental impact report, BP has brushed aside such dangers. Under different
circumstances such obstacles would cause oil executives to terminate a planned
commercial operation at the feasibility stage, but in this case the political 
necessity of US
domination of the Caspian is driving commercial decisions.

Pipeline volume does not correspond to the relatively small-scale volume of oil 
currently
extracted from Azerbaijan. At present Azeri oil transported through the smaller AIOC
pipeline from Baku to the Georgian Black Sea port of Supsa is 200,000 barrels per day. 
The
port can only handle 80,000-ton tankers, whereas at Ceyhan a massive terminal will be
built to handle 300,000-ton tankers.

The US-BP project is expected to enter intense competition for the significant new oil 
fields
discovered in Kazakhstan. One report said the �Bush administration insists that 
Kazakhstan
[largest oil discoveries so far] join the planned Baku-Ceyhan project by building an
underwater pipeline that would link its Caspian sea port of Akatu to the Azerbaijan 
capital
(Baku). In Washington�s view, such a development would not only make the projected
conduit more profitable, it would also tie Kazakhstan to its own Central Asian regional
security build-up.�

BTC Co. faces fierce competition from Iran and Russia. On March 26, 2001, Kazakhstan
began pumping oil from its huge Tengiz oil field through a Russian pipeline to the 
major
Black Sea oil terminal at Novorossiysk. They are also considering a deal with Iran to
transport its oil from the huge new Kashagan oil fields to the Persian Gulf. On May 13,
2002, Russia and Kazakhstan struck an agreement over the demarcation of the northern
Caspian seabed and both hope that it clears the way for further joint ventures.

The protection of the pipeline has become a pretext for broader US military operations 
in
the region. Controlling pipeline routes from the Caspian Sea has been identified by
strategists as a key post Cold War objective. On April 29, the presidents of the three 
host
countries met in the Turkish Black Sea port of Trabzon to discuss security issue 
surrounding
the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline. Georgia�s Eduard Shevardnadze, Azerbaijan�s Heidar 
Aliev
and Turkey�s Ahmet Necdet Sezer signed a security pact creating the foundations for
reorienting its military structures to protect the pipeline and the Eurasian Energy 
Corridor.

On February 21, two US Air force planes brought 40 US special advisors to Tbilisi, the
Georgian capital�the first time US combat troops have been deployed in the Caucasus.
They will prepare the groundwork for the later deployment of 200 Special Operations
troops as part of the US�s �Georgia Train & Equip� programme. They will concentrate 
their
activities in the Pankisi Gorge against Chechen and Islamic militants.

US-Russian conflict

Both the US and Russia have declared the gorge to be a hideout for fleeing Taliban and 
Al
Qaeda terrorists. Although there is agreement on this question, the Russian government
has reacted angrily to the latest incursion by US combat forces into what it regards 
as its
own sphere of influence. Georgia has rejected Russian demands that its forces be 
allowed
in to secure the Pankisi Gorge. Leading strategists in the US see the snubbing of 
Russian
offers and the arrival of US troops as a strategic victory.

An interview with the head of the state-run Georgian International Oil Corporation, 
Giorgi
Chanturia, which is directly involved in negotiations at Trabzon, said, �All three 
states have
said, through their presidents, that they will sign an agreement on the creation of co-
ordination [structures] to ensure the safety of the two pipelines but also of the main
communication arteries, the electricity transportation network, the fibre optic 
cables, etc.�

Chanturia explained the significance of the arrival of US military personnel: �... the 
training
programme will partly aim at helping Georgia ensure the safety of oil pipelines. As I 
said,
[Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey] have agreed to guarantee the safety of the pipelines 
on
their respective territories. From the very beginning, we have said that issues 
related to the
safety of the pipelines will be part of the [US] training programme.�

Chanturia added, �What has been set up [in Trabzon] is a basis that will help bring 
regional
co- operation with regard to the safety of the whole energy corridor to a new level in 
order
to protect the interests of the producing countries, transit countries and consuming
countries. What is at stake is not only the security of the pipelines, we are talking 
here
about the entire energy corridor.� The next summit in Tbilisi is expected to attract 
growing
interest in the former Soviet republics.

Russian oil giant Lukoil, also a leading shareholder in AIOC, approached the Russian
government on investment in BTC Co. but was instructed to reject all offers. The 
Russian
government has for the last eight years supported an alternative Russian route to the 
Baku-
Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline. It has also sought agreement to form what the Russian press 
calls a
�Central Asian OPEC.� In May 2001 the Eurasian Economic Commonwealth (EEC) was
formed, creating a free trade zone between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan.

Internal trade has increased by only one percent on the previous year. Russia is using 
the
EEC to pursue common border defence agreements. According to Sergei Blagov in the
Asian Times July 30, �Russian President Vladimir Putin diplomatically summed up the
decision the other EEC member states would soon face: �Russia has to determine whether
it needs to fortify its border with Kazakhstan, or guard [the Kazakh border further 
south]��.

One of Putin�s first acts after coming to power was to refocus Russian policy toward 
the
Caspian Sea. A report in Caspian Sea Oil Studies explained, �Russia�s new leader, 
Vladimir
Putin, was pushing ahead with an aggressive policy designed to recover Moscow�s 
regional
hegemony. Soon after Putin�s March 26 election, Russia�s National Security Council 
declared
the Caspian region to be one of Russia�s key foreign policy interests.�

The report continues that the former energy minister Victor Kalyuzhny took up a newly
created post on May 31, 2002 as a special co-ordinator on Caspian policy: �The 
creation of
the post underlined a significant shift from Moscow�s ad hoc and disorganised approach
seen during the Yeltsin era.... The ominous implications of Russia�s new policy were
underlined by Andrei Urnov, Russia�s ambassador at large and chief of the Foreign
Ministry�s Working Group on the Caspian Sea, in a May 2000 appearance on Capitol 
Hill....
Urnov told the Washington audience, �it hasn�t been left unnoticed in Russia that 
certain
outside forces are trying to weaken our positions in the Caspian Basin, to drive a 
wedge
between us and other Caspian states��.

Russia�s Naval Caspian Sea Flotilla is one of the few areas of military spending that 
has
expanded. Over the last few years it has doubled in size. When the Soviet Caspian Navy
was disbanded after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia had to withdraw from 
its
main naval base in the Azerbaijan capital Baku and create a new one at Astrakhan. This
reorientation of Russian naval power was displayed last during the largest Caspian Sea
naval operations since 1991. Between August 1-15 this year, 60 ships, 30 aircraft and
10,000 military personnel took part in operations aimed at defending oilrigs, 
terminals and
seaports.

US conflicts with Iran

None the new states in the Caspian have any real military or naval capacity to match
Russia�s. Iran, in an agreement signed in 1924 with the former Soviet Union, was not
allowed naval bases along its Caspian coastline. Due to the expansion of Russian naval
presence and conflicts with Azerbaijan, the Iranian State is now considering the
transformation of existing ports into naval bases. Turkmenistan recently signed a 
contract
with the Russian government to exchange gas rights for gunboats. According to a report 
in
the Asian Times, �In March 2002 Washington announced it would soon provide military aid
to build its [Azerbaijan navy]�to protect its claims to a section of the Caspian Sea 
also
claimed by Iran.�

Iran has consistently opposed the BTC pipeline project and Azerbaijan�s regional 
ambitions
to become a strategic energy transportation hub. Iran possesses the most efficient 
pipelines
into the Persian Gulf and thus onto Asian markets. In the face of fierce US opposition,
France�s Total, operating in Iran and the Caspian, is planning a feasibility study to 
transport
oil from Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan via Iran into the Persian Gulf.

AIOC firms have lobbied the US administration to allow it to pump 800,000 barrels per 
day
through Iran�s National State Oil Company. It was ruled out after Iran was named as the
main sponsor of terrorism in Bush�s �axis of evil� speech. The US government has used a
combination of political and financial muscle to turn oil corporations away from using
Russian and Iranian pipeline routes and to construct an alternative network.

Iran and Azerbaijan clash regularly over border disputes. The most serious was an 
incident
last July, when two Iranian airforce jets threatened to sink two Azeri ships hired by 
BP to
explore the Araz-Aloo-Sharg oil field. The Iranian military accused the ships of 
entering
Iranian waters. US officials told Iran it would not tolerate threats against 
Azerbaijan.
Turkey�s General Staff Chief Kivrikogla went to Baku, followed by ten fighter jets. 
Azer press
declared the deployment a �warning to Azeri enemies� and in one article declared that
Turkey and Azerbaijan may be two countries, �but we are one nation�.

Iran�s main political weapon is to disrupt any agreement on the division of the 
Caspian Sea
Basin. The Iranian government is demanding that Caspian Sea wealth be equally 
distributed
between all countries with a Caspian coastline. Disagreements between Russia and Iran
and Azerbaijan are frustrating the development of Caspian energy resources. Brenda
Schaffer of the Caspian Studies Program at Harvard University explained, �The main
problem with Iran is that, for them, the Caspian isn�t about two more percentage 
[points]
this way or two more percentage [points] that way. It�s basically about obstructing 
the flow
of Caspian oil in order to keep Azerbaijan in a weak position.�

The Iranian bourgeoisie fear the possible outcome on Iran�s internal political 
situation if
Azerbaijan becomes one of the major regional hubs for oil and gas production and
transportation. Approximately 10 million Azeri�s live in Iran�more than in Azerbaijan. 
The
Iranian regime believes that separatist forces in the Azeri community may demand areas 
of
Iran where they predominate break off and develop relations with Azerbaijan.

Recent US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reports on internal Iranian politics 
indicate that
the Bush administration is not only considering a direct military assault on Iran, but 
also
using Azeri political forces to destabilise, weaken and break-up the Iranian State. 
Schaffer
also adds a crucial point: �As an OPEC producer, they are very concerned with the
development of non- OPEC oil sources, which ruin the OPEC monopoly and thus its 
ability to
manipulate prices and use oil in a political way.�

The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline Company will have a significant impact upon military,
economic and diplomatic relations in the Caspian Region. All five nations surrounding 
the
Caspian Sea will dramatically increase naval capacity, financed by the major powers. 
The
Eurasian Energy Corridor opens up a new high-tech artery of the global economy, but 
under
imperialist control it marks a major step towards military conflict in Central Asia.







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