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Keys to 9/11
By
Michelle Mairesse
Deja Vu All over Again
The horrifying image of the blasted, crumbling World Trade Center twin
towers erupting in black clouds of smoke and debris will flicker on our
television screens again and again during the anniversary observance of
September 11, 2001, Black Tuesday, the day, according to the Koran, when
Allah created darkness.
A parade of politicians, pundits, and publicists will doubtless lie to
us again, will declare the attack unprecedented and unexpected, and will urge
us to surrender our liberties in exchange for a specious promise of
protection. Once more the pitiful bleating of intelligence officials will be
heard in the land. We will be asked to believe that twenty-six intelligence
services with a budget of more than thirty billion dollars didn't have a
clue.
Truth to tell, they had myriad clues. Let's begin with the date,
September 11. Exactly five years earlier, September 11, 1996, Ramzi Yousef,
Wali Khan Shah, and Abdul Hakim Murad were convicted as conspirators in the
first attack on the World Trade Center. The three conspirators had been at
large since March 1993 and would probably still be at large had not a
quick-thinking Filipina policewoman investigated a suspicious flash fire.
Operation Bojinka
In January 1995, a patrolman told Manila Senior Inspector Aida Fariscal
not to worry about the smoke plume rising from a sixth-floor apartment down
the street from the station because some Pakistanis had accidentally started
a blaze with firecrackers. Fariscal decided to walk down the street and have
a look anyway. These days nothing was routine. A typhoon had just left a
trail of wreckage in its wake, and Manila was still preparing for the
upcoming visit of the pope.
The apartment was littered with chemicals, cotton, and electrical
wiring. After refusing a $2000 bribe, Fariscal and a patrolman took a man of
many aliases (later identified as Abdul Hakim Murad) into custody. Murad's
two companions escaped.
When she returned with the bomb squad, Fariscal
knew that from the generals and officials arriving on the scene, this was no
ordinary bust. The entire apartment was a manufacturing site for explosive
devices. The bomb squad discovered two complete remote-controlled pipe-bombs,
an extensive array of explosive chemicals funnels, timers, hotplates,
reference manuals, as well as a number of varied passports hidden in a wall
divider, the pope's schedule and maps of his procession through the city, and
a laptop computer belonging to one of Murad's escaped companions, whose
identity emerged from many layers of aliases as Ramzi Yousef.
Murad confessed to Philippine police that he and his companions were
ready to carry out an ambitious terror attack. Murad, a pilot who had
received some of his pilot training in the United States, was primed to crash
a plane into C.I.A. headquarters in Langley, Virginia. A second pilot would
crash his plane into the Pentagon, and another would crash his plane into
some major federal building. These suicide bombings would be coordinated with
other crashes. Murad described an elaborate scheme to hide bombs on eleven
American airliners (United, Delta, and Northwest), bombs timed to explode
simultaneously over the Pacific Ocean. Investigators found detailed plans,
including maps and flight schedules, for this fiendish design on Yousef's
laptop computer, part of an operation code-named Bojinka (Serbo-Croatian for
big bang).
Philippine police in Manila arrested Murad's partners in crime, Ramzi
Yousef and Wali Khan Shah, Islamic militants linked to Osama bin Laden's Al
Qaeda network. As fugitives from justice, the trio was extradited to the
United States, where they were convicted and imprisoned.
Ramzi Yousef, the mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing,
was unrepentant. His only regret was that he did not bring down the twin
towers in 1993 because he lacked funds to buy enough explosives. Intelligence
officials in the Philippines say that a round-faced Indonesian cleric known
as Hambali was Yousef's main moneyman. He funded and coordinated Yousef's
cell through a Malaysian trading company. Both Hambali and Wali Khan Shah
were on the board of directors. (In 1994, Wali Khan Shah directed hijackers
of a Philippine Airlines plane who killed a Japanese businessman. According
to Murad, this was a practice run for Project Bojinka.) Here was a strong
clue linking Hambali, Al Qaeda, and the terrorists, but no one followed it. A
second source of funding came from a local charitable foundation headed by
Mohammad Jamal Khalifa, brother-in-law to bin Laden. No one followed that
clue, either.
Hambali's Al Qaeda network, say Philippine officials, has built a
formidable logistics operation, providing money, housing, and fake documents
to terrorists involved in attacks on the 1993 World Trade Center, the October
2000 bombing of the U.S.S. Cole in Yemen, and the September 11 attacks. They
say Hambali and his subordinates met with at least two of the Sept. 11
suicide hijackers in Malaysia in January 2000.
Hambali's organization provided money and documents identifying
Zacarias Moussaoui (currently on trial for conspiracy in the 9/11 attack) as
a consultant for a Malaysian company, Infocus Tech, to expedite his entrance
into the United States. Yazid Sufaat signed a letter as Managing Director of
the Malaysian company, declaring that Moussaoui was a marketing consultant
for Infocus Tech and would receive a $2,500 monthly allowance. (Infocus Tech,
a real company, denies that Moussaoui was ever an employee.) Significantly,
Sufaat also owned the Kuala Lumpur condominium where crucial terrorist
meetings took place. One gathering was attended by a man later identified as
a leading suspect in the October 2000 bombing of the U.S.S. Cole in Yemen.
Moussaoui stayed at the same condo eight months later.
The Sleuths
Zacarias Moussaoui, who was arraigned last January on six counts of
conspiracy to commit murder and terrorism, declared in court that the U.S.
government chose not to arrest hijacker Hani Hanjour last summer because that
would have tipped off the attackers to surveillance by the F.B.I. "They
arrested me and not Hanjour who was a few week before me at Pan Am Flight
School (and has been reported was a danger) because they knew that I was not
with the 19 hijackers and therefore they will not be alerted . . . by my
arrest."
Moussaoui's story received corroboration May 24, 2002, when ABC News
reported that paid F.B.I. informant Auki Collins claimed he had monitored the
Arab and Islamic communities in Phoenix, including Hani Hanjour while he
attended flight school in Phoenix. The F.B.I. admitted that Collins had
worked for them, but denied he had told them anything about Hanjour.
Moussaoui claimed he had been under observation before 9/11 and that the
hijackers' movements had been facilitated by the U.S. government. Assistant
U.S. Attorney Robert Spencer denied Moussaoui's allegation in court,
maintaining that Moussaoui had not been under physical or electronic
surveillance, that he knows of no such surveillance by any foreign
government, and also that the U.S. government did not facilitate the movement
of any of the 19 hijackers or have any of them under surveillance while they
were in the United States. Spencer's sweeping denials don't stand up under
scrutiny.
Steve Fainaru's and James V. Grimaldi's Washington Post article of
September 23, 2001 concludes: "Since 1996, the F.B.I. had been developing
evidence that international terrorists were using US flight schools to learn
to fly jumbo jets. A foiled plot in Manila to blow up U.S. airliners
[Bojinka] and later court testimony by an associate of bin Laden had touched
off F.B.I. inquiries at several schools, officials say." So it appears that
at least the flight schools were under surveillance.
Three days after the 9/11 attack, the F.B.I. released a list of 19
suspected hijackers, complete with birthdates, photographs, and aliases. The
gullible American press never questioned the authenticity of the list, but
professionals in Europe did.
Andreas von Buelow, a former German cabinet member, expressed his
dissatisfaction with the official account in a full-page interview in the
January 13, 2002 edition of the Berlin Tagesspiegel. "For 60 decisive
minutes, the military and intelligence agencies let the fighter planes stay
on the ground; 48 hours later, however, the F.B.I. presented a list of
suicide attackers. Within ten days, it emerged that seven of them were still
alive."
Von Buelow wondered why the F.B.I chief took no position regarding
contradictions, where the list came from, and why he did not give ongoing
reports on the investigation.
F.B.I. director Robert Mueller said the agency was "fairly confident"
that the hijackers' names were not aliases, but before the end of September
at least four of the men should have been removed from the list. All four had
reported their passports stolen, and none of the four were in the United
States at the time of the highjacking.
Relatives declared that two other young men were alive and working with
relief agencies in Chechnya. Social Security officials reported that six of
the nineteen F.B.I. suspects had used stolen Social Security numbers. Yet,
since September 27, the F.B.I. has not revised the list.
At least five of the F.B.I. suspects were actually in other countries
at the time of the attack:
* Ahmed Alnami, manager at Saudi Airlines
* Saeed Alghamdi, taking flying lessons in Tunisia
* Salem Alhazmi, working at a petrochemical plant in Saudi Arabia
* Waleed Alsheri, a pilot with Saudi Airlines and studying in Morocco
* Abdulaziz Alomari, who protested from Saudi Arabia that his passport had
been stolen when he studied electrical engineering at the University of
Denver in 1995.
Clearly, some or all the highjackers used stolen identities. Why hasn't
the F.B.I. clarified the mix-up? Who is responsible for releasing the
original list and photos of the highjackers?
U. S. military officials gave the F.B.I. information that during the
nineties, five of the highjackers were trained at secure U.S. military
installations. Saeed Alghamdi, Ahmad Alnami, and Ahmed Alghamdi all listed
their address at the Pensacola Naval Station. A high-ranking Pentagon off
icial said another of the hijackers may have been trained in strategy and
tactics at the Air War College in Montgomery, Alabama. The fifth man may have
received language instruction at Lackland Air Force Base in San Antonio,
Texas. Both were former Saudi Air Force pilots who had come to the United
States, according to the Pentagon source. Why were they there?
Ziad Samir Jarrah, identified on the F.B.I.'s list as a hijacker aboard
the airliner that crashed in western Pennsylvania, was on an American watch
list of terrorists in January 30, 2001. Officials from the United Arab
Emirates detained and questioned Jarrah that day and noted that he had
visited Afghanistan and Pakistan (a red flag to border watches). He was
returning to Florida, where he had taken flight training for more than six
months. Jarrah then re-entered the U.S. without hindrance. (Jarrah's Lebanese
family claims, however, that their son was visiting his hospitalized father
on that date.) Someone closely resembling Jarrah and calling himself Jarrah
leased an apartment in Brooklyn in 1995 while the Lebanese Jarrah was
studying in Beirut. Were there two Jarrahs? Was one or neither of them aboard
that airliner?
The agencies keep changing their stories. On August 21, 2001, the
F.B.I. listed Kahlil Almidhar and Nawaf Alhamzi as suspects for border-watch.
Shortly afterward, the bureau learned the two were already in the country and
began an unsuccessful search.
The C.I.A. initially said they were unaware of Alhazmi's presence in
this country until immigration officials notified them in August 2001. The
C.I.A. later admitted that months earlier Malaysian intelligence reported a
meeting in a Kuala Lumpur condo between Khalid Almidhar, Salem Alhamzi, and
other suspects.
Those in attendance were videotaped by Malaysia's Special Branch at the
request of the United States and were later identified as including not only
hijackers Alhazmi and Almidhar, but also a one-legged al Qaeda fighter named
Tawfiq bin Attash, alias Khalad. (The F.B.I. had identified Khalad as a
leading suspect in the U.S.S. Cole bombing in October 2000.)
Newsweek reported that the Malaysian agency continued to watch the
condo, though the C.I.A. seemed to lose interest. "'We couldn't fathom it,
really,' Rais Yatim, Malaysia's Legal Affairs minister, told Newsweek. 'There
was no show of concern.'" Too bad, because Zacarias Moussaoui, who was
arrested August 16, stopped by on his way to the United States later that
year.
Moussaoui entered the United States in February 2000 and enrolled in
the same Oklahoma flight school Murad had attended. After flunking out in
Oklahoma, he resumed lessons on flight simulators in Eagan, Minnesota, where
his eccentric behavior aroused suspicions. The F.B.I. detained him on
immigration charges on August 17. Among his possessions, they discovered a
laptop computer.
Eager to examine the computer, Minneapolis F.B.I. agents repeatedly
requested a special warrant to examine Moussaoui's computer, and bureau
attorneys in Washington repeatedly denied their requests, claiming there was
insufficient evidence. The special court that reviews warrants covered by the
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act has approved more than 12,000 Justice
Department applications for covert search warrants and wiretaps and rejected
only one since the act was passed in 1978.
After the 9/11 attacks, F.B.I. agent Coleen Rowley, general counsel in
the Minneapolis field office, wrote a scorching 13-page open letter to F.B.I.
Director Robert S. Mueller III and the Senate Intelligence Committee. She
asserted that the French government had shared ample intelligence on
Moussaoui, including information on his links to Osama bin Laden, information
that supported requests for a special surveillance warrant to search
Moussaoui's laptop computer in the weeks before the terrorist attacks. (The
French, who had put Moussaoui on a watch list in 1999 because they suspected
him of terrorist activities, insisted that they had shared their thick
dossier with American intelligence agencies.) Rowley said some field agents
were so frustrated that they joked about spies and moles for bin Laden
working at Washington headquarters.
Rowley complained that agents' reports from Arizona and Minneapolis
landed on the desk of David Frasca, head of the Radical Fundamentalists Unit,
who had actually telephoned Rowley as she and other agents watched the 9/11
attacks on television. He instructed her not to proceed with the Moussaoui
investigation, with the cryptic explanation that Minneapolis might screw up
something else going on elsewhere in the country. Makes you wonder, doesn't
it?
Even Senate Investigating Committee members wondered why Yemen-born
Ramzid Binalshibh was refused a visa four times when his roommate Moussaoui
breezed right through. Binalshibh wired some nice chunks of money to
Moussaoui without raising any red flags, though. Perhaps he should have
applied as a Saudi resident.
J. Michael Springmann, formerly chief of the visa section at the U.S.
Embassy in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, claims that he rejected hundreds of
suspicious visa applications, but the C.I.A. officer overruled him and
ordered the visas to be issued. Springmann protested to the State Department,
the Office of Diplomatic Security, the F.B.I., the Justice Department and
congressional committees, but was told to shut up. Springmann observed that
15 of the 19 people who allegedly flew airplanes into buildings in the United
States got their visas from the same CIA-dominated consulate in Jeddah. As a
special favor to residents of Saudi Arabia (including non-Saudi citizens),
applicants for non-immigrant visas can apply at private travel agencies
anywhere in Saudi Arabia and receive their U.S. visa through the mail. During
the month following the 9/11 attack, 102 applicants received their visas by
mail, 2 more were interviewed, and none were rejected.
No doubt about it--the Saudis always got special treatment. In a
November 6, 2001 BBC broadcast Greg Palast revealed just how special that
treatment was. After Pakistan expelled the World Association of Muslim Youth
(WAMY) and India claimed that the organization was linked to terrorist
bombings in Kashmir and the Philippines military accused WAMY of funding
Muslim insurgency, the F.B.I. got orders to leave them alone.
The bin Laden family members got extra special treatment. Palast says
that days after the hijackers took off from Boston aiming for the Twin
Towers, " a special charter flight out of the same airport whisked 11 members
of Osama Bin Laden's family off to Saudi Arabia. That did not concern the
White House. Their official line is that the Bin Ladens are above suspicion -
apart from Osama, the black sheep, who they say hijacked the family name.
That's fortunate for the Bush family and the Saudi royal household, whose
links with the Bin Ladens could otherwise prove embarrassing. But Newsnight
has obtained evidence that the F.B.I. was on the trail of other members of
the Bin Laden family for links to terrorist organisations before and after
September 11th."
The owner of a motel outside Oklahoma City had a strange story to tell
Jim Crogan (Los Angeles Weekly, July 26, 2002). About six weeks before 9/11,
three men tried unsuccessfully to rent a room at the weekly rate. He later
saw photos of the men and recognized them as suspected conspirators and
terrorists.
"The motel owner said that Moussaoui and a man who appeared to be Marwan
al-Shehhi --who helped crash a jetliner into the south tower of the World
Trade Center--were friendly and said a few things, but Atta was clearly the
leader."
"'He did most of the talking and seemed very serious,' said the owner,
adding, 'I was standing face to face, about two feet away from Atta, and
talked to the three of them for about 10 minutes.'"
After the owner reported the incident to the F.B.I., he heard from the
bureau several weeks later. "'The agent told me they had passed on a copy of
my statement to Moussaoui's defense team, and I might be getting a call from
them. But I was under no obligation to talk to them. However, I don't know if
that was the truth. Since then, I have never heard from anyone connected to
Moussaoui's case.'"
Cogan says that the convicted Oklahoma City bombers, Timothy McVeigh
and Terry Nichols, were said to have stayed at the some motel, "interacting
with a group of Iraquis during the weeks before the bombing."
Television reporter Jayna Davis also interviewed motel staff and former
guests, collecting signed affidavits about their contacts with McVeigh and
the Iraquis. The bureau twice refused to accept her materials.
Cogan notes that the absence of this information from the public record
"raises new questions about the FBI investigation of Moussaoui and even the
1995 destruction of the Federal Building in Oklahoma City."
Unexplained Anomalies
1. On September 10, 2001, there were 4,526 put options bought on United
Airlines and only 748 call options. For American Airlines, the number of puts
is 60 times the daily average. Who were these traders?
2. The chief of the Pakistani Intelligence Service wired $100,000 to Mohammed
Atta before the attacks. On September 11, he met with the heads of the House
and Senate Intelligence Committees in Washington, D.C. Why did he send the
money and why was he meeting with congresspersons on September 11?
3. Why were Standard Operating Procedures, designed to prevent, intercept, or
terminate an attack, utterly ignored or suspended on 9/11?
4. Why did George W. Bush continue to read a story to elementary school
children after he learned of the attack?
5. Why did Pentagon officials cancel their airline flights on 9/11?
One Possible Conclusion
Mary Schiavo, former Inspector General for the U.S. Department of
Transportation under both Bush I and Clinton, and a lawyer for thirty-two
families from all 9/11 hijacked planes, stated that every single aviation
disaster in history, except for 9/11, had been followed by not only a
criminal investigation but a national transportation safety investigation.
What are they hiding? Why is no one held accountable? Despite massive
evidence of incompetence and dishonesty, no heads have rolled. Each time a
falsehood is exposed, a new and stranger story replaces it. The trail gets
muddier and muddier.
Let's follow tradition in this matter. We must convene an independent
investigative commission like those convened after Pearl Harbor and the
Kennedy assassination, but with a difference. In addition to the learned
professionals who sit on the committee, let us, the American people, be
represented by some members of the families whose loved ones perished on
Black Tuesday.
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
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