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http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/sep2002/pres-s25_prn.shtml

WSWS : News & Analysis : North America

US press enlists for war on Iraq

By Bill Vann
25 September 2002

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As the Bush administration prepares for a colonial-style war against Iraq, the US media
increasingly assumes the role of a semi-official propaganda arm for the White House and
the Pentagon.

On the television networks, news announcers speculate on when and how the US will �take
out� Saddam Hussein. Even more significant is the near unanimity of the editorial 
pages of
the major US daily papers in parroting the line of the administration and offering 
friendly
advice on how best to prepare an Iraqi invasion.

Like their counterparts in the broadcast media, the editorial writers of the New York 
Times,
the Washington Post and the Wall Street Journal, not to mention other major dailies, 
accept
the Bush administration�s justification for a war against Iraq at face value. They 
repeat the
mantra of �weapons of mass destruction,� while offering high-sounding sophistry to
buttress a transparent pretext for military aggression. This is the case in editorials
published by the three papers on September 18 in the wake of Bush�s speech to the 
United
Nations General Assembly and Iraq�s announcement that it would readmit weapons
inspectors.

The Times begins its editorial by dismissing Iraq�s agreement to readmit weapons
inspectors as �ambiguous.� It follows with a now familiar ritual for the paper: 
groveling
praise for what it improbably portrays as the political prowess and oratorical skill 
of the
occupant of the White House. The specific role of this organ of what passes for the 
�liberal�
establishment is to provide an aura of legitimacy to an administration that assumed 
power
on the basis of electoral fraud and judicial fiat and maintain the fiction that its 
policies are
based on something other than the global appetites of the most criminal and reactionary
elements within the ruling elite.

�The bill of particulars presented by President Bush last week was extensive and
compelling,� the Times writes in reaction to Bush�s UN address, ignoring the fact that 
the
president offered no evidence to substantiate his claim that Iraq represents an 
imminent
danger to the people of the US and the world because it possesses stockpiles of
unconventional weapons and is on the verge of deploying nuclear-armed missiles.

More perceptive�or rather, more honest�observers contrasted Bush�s appearance with
that of Adlai Stevenson in October of 1962, when the then-US ambassador to the UN
presented spy photos and other concrete evidence that the Soviet Union was building
missile bases in Cuba. Bush presented no such proof, leading to the obvious conclusion 
that
he possesses no convincing evidence to back up his allegations. His speech amounted to 
an
ultimatum: either the UN rubberstamps a US war aimed at installing a puppet regime in
Baghdad, or it will be condemned to �irrelevancy� and Washington will proceed without 
its
sanction.

Citing Bush�s invocation of 16 UN Security Council resolutions allegedly violated by 
Iraq, the
Times continues: �...if they were the only problems, it is doubtful that Washington 
would be
pressing the UN toward a showdown with the Hussein regime. What makes Iraq the subject
of intense concern ... is Mr. Hussein�s defiance of the Security Council�s longstanding
instructions to dismantle Baghdad�s nuclear weapons program and to eliminate all its
biological and chemical weapons and the materials used to make them.�

Thus, the newspaper takes Bush�s unproven charges about nuclear weapons as self-
evident. It knowingly lies when it asserts that the Bush administration would not �be
pressing� for war were it not for Baghdad�s supposed buildup of �weapons of mass
destruction,� including nuclear devices. The most influential figures in the Bush
administration�Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and
Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz�have been pressing for �a showdown with the
Saddam Hussein regime� since the first Gulf war ended more than a decade ago.

After September 11, they sought to exploit shock and anger over the terrorist attacks 
to
justify an attack on Baghdad, falsely claiming a link between the hijackers and Iraqi
intelligence. Even after this lie was exposed, they continued to float unsubstantiated 
claims
of a connection between Baghdad and Al Qaeda. Similarly, they attempted to tie last 
year�s
anthrax attacks to Iraq, until evidence proved that the murderous letters had 
originated
from within the US military/intelligence establishment.

They are left with �weapons of mass destruction� as the justification for war. Nowhere 
has
the administration presented evidence to refute the assessment of Scott Ritter, the 
former
US Marine who spent seven years as a top UN arms inspector in Iraq, who says: �Since
1998, Iraq has been fundamentally disarmed.� The administration cannot present a 
serious
argument that a former colonial country devastated by US military might in 1991 and
subjected to devastating sanctions ever since represents a dire and immediate threat 
to the
world.

�Like most Americans, we would welcome a peaceful resolution of this crisis,� the Times
sanctimoniously declares. But it is obvious that�whatever �most Americans� want�the
Bush administration is not prepared to accept anything but war, no matter what
concessions are made by Baghdad.

The cynics at the Times go on to state they have no illusions that a �peaceful 
resolution� is
an option. Nevertheless, they argue, the best way to prepare for war is to maintain the
pretence that the US is seriously interested in pursuing a peaceful alternative. 
Echoing the
Bush White House, the newspaper demands that the UN Security Council �approve a tough
new resolution reaffirming its disarmament demands, with a realistic deadline for
compliance,� adding that the resolution �should include a clear warning that military 
force is
likely to follow if Iraq balks.�

The editorial offers a piece of advice to the Bush war cabal, indicating a minor 
tactical
difference. It urges the White House not to quibble over whether the Security Council
passes one resolution or two�the first threatening war over inspections, and the second
authorizing it. Washington �can�t expect to dictate every move to the UN,� it counsels.

The Washington Post is, if anything, more saber-rattling in its approach, headlining 
its
editorial �The Inspections Trap.� The newspaper is full of praise for Bush. He �was 
right to
take his cause to the United Nations,� whose support �could galvanize a broad 
coalition to
destroy Baghdad�s weapons of mass destruction and replace Saddam Hussein with a stable
and progressive government�� i.e., a US puppet regime.

The editorial warns that, even with full Iraqi cooperation, �an official determination 
of
whether and how Iraq is stockpiling weapons of mass destruction could take up to a 
year.�
The US should not wait for such a determination, the Post advises, but should instead
devise an �accelerated� inspection plan to include �specific triggers that allow for
enforcement with the first act of Iraqi noncompliance.� It further urges continued
�preparations for a possible military campaign ... so that dilatory action will invite
consequences beyond toothless statements from the Security Council.�

The Post endorses an idea floated by sections of the American foreign policy 
establishment,
namely, that any new weapons inspection program be supplemented by a military
�implementation force.� This is precisely the type of demand�which would require Iraq 
to
renounce any claim to national sovereignty and accede to the presence of foreign 
troops,
including those of the US, on its soil�that is designed to be rejected. It is 
reminiscent of the
ultimatums issued to Belgrade at the Rambouillet �peace talks� in 1999 that provided 
the
pretext for the US and NATO to launch the war that had already been decided on.

Thus, while dismissing Iraq�s offer to readmit the inspectors as Saddam Hussein�s 
�latest
gambit,� the editorial makes clear that the demand for inspections is not aimed at
determining whether Iraq has actually developed the weapons that Washington claims, but
rather at providing a pretext for a US invasion.

On September 22, the Post followed up with another editorial entitled �The Iraq 
Decision,�
which explicitly endorses the Bush war plan, explaining that �the shock of 9/11 has 
given
this country the lesson that, in an era in which enormous harm can be done by seemingly
weak adversaries, threats such as that posed by Iraq must not just be managed but 
treated
aggressively.� This is a justification for military action against any �weak� country 
that is
perceived to be an obstacle to American imperialism�s global interests.

The Wall Street Journal, the paper whose editorial line most closely tracks the 
thinking of
the extreme right-wing elements that dominate US foreign policy, is more openly
contemptuous of the UN than the Times or Post. Seeking Security Council approval for a 
US
war, it warns in its September 18 editorial, will �delay any action past the best 
invasion
time of winter.�

The Journal makes no attempt to conceal the war lust that consumes the Bush
administration. It flaunts it, declaring, �There is only one kind of inspection regime 
that can
truly disarm Saddam� the 82nd Airborne, aided by armor and air power.�

Typical of the Journal editorial page�s penchant for employing the most improbable 
lies and
slanders to further its political agenda is the suggestion that Saddam Hussein is 
somehow
behind the recent outbreak of the West Nile virus in the US.

In keeping with its more shameless approach to beating the war drums, the Journal 
pointed
in an editorial two days earlier to the real motive for war against Iraq. �The best 
way to
keep oil prices in check is a short, successful war on Iraq that begins sooner rather 
than
later,� it wrote.

That this is the real objective of the impending war is well known to those who run the
editorial boards of the New York Times and the Washington Post. Behind the pretext of
�weapons of mass destruction� and the �triggers� of weapons inspections, the aim of a 
war
against Iraq is the seizure of its oilfields, second only to Saudi Arabia in terms of 
proven
reserves, and the consolidation of unchallenged US control over the entire Gulf region.

A second, and related, aspect of the press treatment of US war preparations is the
increasingly venomous tone and substance of commentaries denouncing Germany and
Russia for withholding support for a unilateral US invasion. The Washington Post, for
example, branded the two countries �appeasers of Saddam Hussein.�

In a separate editorial, the Post denounced the government of Vladimir Putin for 
invoking
terrorism to justify a military intervention in Georgia, characterizing it as a 
�stunningly
brazen attempt to cloak an old-fashioned threat of military aggression in Mr. Bush�s 
new
doctrine of preemption.� Apparently the editorial�s authors believe that the US holds 
the
patent for that particular �cloak.�

The Wall Street Journal has published numerous editorial comments condemning German
Chancellor Gerhard Schr�der�s statements opposing a US war against Iraq, even opening
up its editorial pages on the eve of the German elections to Wolfgang Schauble, the
Christian Democratic Union�s shadow foreign and defense minister.

No attempt is made to objectively consider the conflicting interests of German and US
imperialism or those of the regime in Russia. On this, as on all questions dealing with
impending war, the elementary obligation of journalism to remain skeptical in the face 
of
official pronouncements, to investigate, educate and inform the public have gone by the
wayside. Whether the US has the �right� to unleash unprovoked wars against far weaker
nations and impose governments of its own choosing is not even an issue. Instead,
parroting the line of the Bush administration, these newspapers vilify any rival power 
that
dares challenge US interests.

The consensus between the media and US foreign policy is not new. One can see in press
barons like William Randolph Hearst and the �yellow journalism� that became notorious 
at
the end of the nineteenth century, when American imperialism was cutting its teeth, a 
clear
predecessor to the role the press plays today.

During the second half of the twentieth century, a new consensus between the supposedly
�free press� and the government was founded on anticommunism, with the editorialists
casting US actions on the world stage as a defense of �freedom� against �tyranny.�

Nevertheless, there was room within the establishment press for some degree of 
criticism
and even opposition to American militarism and the more naked imperialist depredations 
of
the ruling elite. It is instructive to recall that the New York Times defied the Nixon
administration and published the �Pentagon Papers� in 1971, and the Washington Post
began publishing the Watergate exposures of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein a year
later.

Today, there is little of the old�and fraudulent�pretense that Washington is pursuing
some higher calling, a democratizing global mission. Yet the media virtually excludes 
any
hint of dissent from the government line. Instead, it seeks to terrorize the American 
people
into acquiescing to a war on the grounds that it is necessary to prevent another 
September
11.

The solid front of the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Wall Street Journal 
in
support of a neo-colonial war of conquest reflects two crucial political facts. First, 
the
existence of a consensus in favor of war spanning the entire spectrum of US bourgeois
politics. Second, the disintegration of American liberalism and its prostration before 
the
most reactionary and militaristic forces within the ruling elite.

Underlying both of these political realities is the profound decay of American 
democracy.
The lying and war-mongering role of the press is an expression of a more general 
collapse
of democratic institutions and the absence of any faction within the ruling class 
committed
to their defense. Such is the inevitable political corollary domestically of the 
eruption of
American imperialism internationally.







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World Socialist Web Site
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