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http://www.larouchepub.com/lar/2002/2936_sept11_webcast_open.html Be Powerful To Make Peace You win war more with love. . . . You win peace with love, and you win wars with that factor. Develop yourself. Be rational. Be generous. Be powerful. Be powerful logistically. The utopians changed that. With idiots like Brzezinski and Huntington from the 1950s on, with the new policy, the utopian policy—kill-power, kill-power! They say you have to increase the rate of killing by our troops. This is like the Roman Legions going in to commit massacres against whole populations—whole national populations. Kill-power!! You don't win peace with kill-power! You win peace by overwhelming flanking operations, and strength, to convince them to surrender; but their willingness to surrender is based not merely on their awe and fear of you, but rather the good that can come from making peace with you. Therefore, be powerful. Be powerful, above all, to make peace, and to build peace. And from that power, you can draw as you need it, the sinews of any necessary war. And you see that's exactly what we're not doing right now. Now, out of this, there's a hand and a glove. Sometimes the glove grows into the hand. A man puts a glove on his hand, picks up a pistol and shoots somebody. Who shot him, the glove or the hand? What happens when the glove grows into the hand? And that's what this leaflet is about. A long process which goes back to the time when the World Jewish Congress was led by Nahum Goldman. You had one predominant policy in terms of Israel, but you also had another element there which was very dangerous, and which Goldman had to fight. And that was the danger of Jabotinsky, and what Jabotinsky represented. So, as Jabotinsky took over, or his heirs took over, such as Netanyahu, Sharon, Shamir. As they took over, Israel became an instrument of a certain Anglo-American interest. Remember, Jabotinsky was both a Russian Okhrana agent and also a British agent. He was also a Mussolini agent. He also declared himself a fascist, not only for Mussolini, but he appealed twice to Hitler, when Hitler was in power, to say, give up your anti-Semitism and we'll work with you, form an alliance. That's Jabotinsky. It's important to know that, to get an insight into what's going on in the mind of Sharon and Netanyahu today, as I'll explain. So, what the United States and Britain did, is they created—in opposition to everything that Nahum Goldman represented and in opposition to what Ben-Gurion represented—they created a force which was no longer the Labor Zionist faction in Israel, but a completely contrary force. And this force was an instrument of certain Anglo-American interests, which deployed it into the Middle East for strategic purposes. Israel today has become a hand-grenade, which is throwing itself to destruction against its neighbors. If it continues the war, it will be destroyed, but that will serve its purpose! `Vulcans' Group—Pushing Iraq War Since 1996 So, in the course of that, as we describe this in the leaflet, in July 1996, there was an attempt to get the present Middle East war going, or what is being proposed now. The proposal came from circles such as those of Brzezinski, Bernard Lewis, and Samuel Huntington. They had attempted to move things in that direction under Bush, and had failed. The Iraq war was, in a sense, stopped at a certain point by Bush number one—Bush "41." So they came back at it again, and they tried to do it through a group inside the Clinton Administration called the Principals Group. The Principals Group is essentially the same thing as the Vulcans Group, which den mother Condoleezza Rice created at the instruction of George Shultz. George Shultz pulled this crowd together, brought Condoleezza Rice into it in this new form. She became the den mother of what's called the Vulcans. These are generally a bunch of draft-dodgers, ex-Trotskyists and so forth, who are now trying to get World War III under way. So, in 1996, this group—now called the Vulcans—many of whom are in key positions inside the Bush Administration, in the Defense Department, inside the White House, inside the State Department; these Vulcans drafted a proposal for Benjamin Netanyahu, the beneficiary of the assassination of Yitzak Rabin. And this is a policy to eradicate not only Rabin, which they'd already done, but to eradicate everything that Rabin had stood for, in combination, as a leader of Israel, from the beginning. The policy was the policy which is now being pushed, which is to have Israel destroy the Middle East, all of the Middle East. Take over the Saudi oil fields, destroy it all. Several days later, Netanyahu, having received this report from the hands of these guys, gave an address in the U.S. Senate, which many Senators are aware of, but they don't tell you that. They know it, they were there. They didn't tell you. They didn't comment upon what Bush is saying, and say, well, this is the same thing that these guys tried to push through Clinton's Administration. Then it didn't work. So they went to another tactic, with the help of one of their backers, Mellon Scaife, who funded this operation. They ran an operation against Clinton to try to get him impeached. They worked on his profile, and had a little girl go in there who was set up, knowing his profile, to try to create the scandal. And they had listening devices, watching everything, so they could create the scandal. They control the White House [communications] system. Well, Clinton got scared. He resisted it at first, then he went into a compromise, the bombing, under pressure of the Principals—Al Gore and company. Then it ended, it failed. They came back again under Bush, and the intended war to destroy the entire Middle East, using Sharon as the fuse on the hand grenade, goes on. The intent is, as of now, that the minute the United States makes a serious move, with land forces in particular, into Iraq, Sharon will take the Palestinian population, of Palestine, and shove it into Jordan, as a part of a plan to create a Greater Israel, from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates River—the so-called Jabotinsky, Greater, or "Eretz Israel" policy. That of course means a general war, an unstoppable general war, which would spread throughout the planet in unknown ways. Europe Does Not Want This War Alright, that's the policy. So, what they did is, they couldn't get the policy through. They couldn't get it through under Bush—until a year ago, when the planes hit the Twin Towers and the Pentagon. That's the truth! Everybody in relevant high places in Washington, knows that everything I've said is the truth. Now, let me indicate what the problems are. What's happening now? As I said, all of Europe wants this war not to occur. The reasons they give are varied, but the bottom line is the same. If you start this war, you unleash an insanity from which the United State and everybody else will not survive. Partly because of the economic conditions, the war is unwinnable! We don't have the logistics to win such a war. We have a collapsing economy. The world has a collapsing economy, a collapsing monetary system. We can go in to start a war, but we can't stop it! Look at Afghanistan. A piece of folly, a piece of military folly beyond belief. But this is much more serious than Afghanistan. Well, what's Europe saying? The British have got to compromise. Blair, on one side, is saying he's for the war. He's telling lies of the kind that George Bush wants to hear, presumably. But the British establishment, including the Labour Party, does not want the war. Hard-core strategic right-wingers in Britain, together with the hard core of the Labor Party, do not want this war! So what's Blair do? Blair, under European pressure, has come up with an alternative, which is indicated by Jacques Chirac, the President of France, recently, and that is to push the issue into the United Nations—because the worst idiocy, idiocy number one, is that the United States unilaterally makes an attack on Iraq, which may be in progress now in various degrees, and drags Britain into it as cover. That's the worst possible thing, in the minds of Europeans, and these guys. They're saying, can we temporarily stop this war? They say, let's throw it in the United Nations. Now, this creates a problem. Let us suppose they're successful. There are three things that can happen, which are messy. First, that the United Nations would reject what Bush is demanding. They wouldn't reject proposing a remedy, a compromise; but Bush might reject anything the UN would accept. Then Bush goes to war, alone. The lone bandit, the Lone Ranger, or the Lone Disarranger. That's hell. Number two: Suppose that Bush accepts a UN proposal on Iraq which is acceptable. Now, the reverse hurdle is Saddam Hussein. Is Saddam Hussein going to accept it? Now, I know a great deal about Saddam Hussein, so I'm saying that is a problemmatic case. I don't think he's as insane as some people might suggest. I think he does have some sense of survival. But would he accept a reasonable offer of the type that Scott Ritter is bird-dogging? Remember, Scott Ritter is an old intelligence hand. He's bird-dogging a way out, by his presence in Iraq now. Some kind of compromise under which Ritter went in, with others, as a team, and the United Nations accepted it, might be a way out, at least in the first approximation. But then, if Saddam Hussein accepts it—Bush accepts it, and Saddam Hussein accepts it—what next? Will Sharon accept it? Three Problems We Face From Israel Now, if you know Sharon the way I do, and the way some people who are inside Israeli politics know him, this guy would do it. He's up against the wall. If this thing does not come off, the economic crisis and other things in Israel, could result in an internal overturn of the present government, and could create new openings, new apertures, because Israel needs to be bailed out economically. It will not survive if it is not bailed out economically. It will not get a bailout if it doesn't behave itself, at least within certain limitations. Sharon knows that, Netanyahu knows that. They know it. What do they have? They have three German-built submarines, which carry nuclear-armed cruise missiles, which are to be positioned off the Gulf area. Israel has the world's third largest nuclear weapons capability, planes which can deliver nuclear weapons against Iraq, can hit nuclear production sites in Iran, and so forth, and the disposition to do that is there. Or, as the alternative, they can strike militarily with a straight force—the Israeli military can do that more effectively than what they're doing inside the occupation process—and say, "If you interfere with us, you'll force us to use nuclear weapons, and we'll hit Saudi oil fields." Those are the three problems which face us on this front. Now, this problem could be solved. It could be solved with the help of people inside Israel, but the United States and Europeans would have to cooperate to make that work. I could make it work. If anybody on this planet could make it work, put me in the White House and I can make it work. The problem, you see, is not just me, as a person. The problem is, other people are not like me, including people in high positions and running for office. They're not willing—. I've got examples of this historically, in the question of military command, some of the most famous issues of military command, under conditions of warfare. There's the case of the fellow who is in command, and all of his generals and others are telling him, "You can't do this, you can't do that, you can't do this." But he says, "What if I don't do it?" "Well, let us hope something else turns up." "Okay, we're going to do it." Like MacArthur at Inchon. We're going to get into a drag-out, drawn-out war in Asia? Or are we going to outflank this situation? He took a high-risk operation and flanked it at Inchon—the Inchon landing. A tough decision. Most of the important and notable military decisions in history, and similar command decisions, have the same characteristic. Abraham Lincoln, the same characteristics. Franklin Roosevelt, at certain points, made the same kinds of decisions. The Responsibility of the American President The United States is a very unusual country, with a very unusual Constitution, and the Presidency of the United States is a very unusual institution, which I don't think the incumbent President understands, among his other non-understandings. When you take the oath of office as President, and assume those powers and responsibilities, very soon in the game, if you're not a dull-head, you're going to realize that you just passed over from one condition of life to another. You're not just a politician at that point. You are a person who, under our Constitution and our history, is encumbered—under our Executive system—with personal responsibility and accountability for the future of the nation. Not just next week, and not what the polls tell you two weeks from now, but what happens two generations from now. You are personally responsible! And thus, to lead the United States, which is still the crucial nation—I don't think the world could solve its problems without a positive role from the United States. And in the absence of an effective Presidency at this moment, I'm doing the best I can to keep the world together as what I propose to be the partner of the United States, in solving the problems which are plaguing us now. My other concern is that, since this fellow is the President, and since I have to defend the Presidency, I have to keep this fellow alive; I have to keep the Presidency intact, but somehow induce the changes in policies that I would make, at least enough of those to get us through the next two years, when I'll take over. You Vote for a Person, Not an Issue Understand something about politics. We have conditioned our politicians to believe that they should run on issues. I will never trust a man who tells me he's going to win on issues. Now, there are occasions when local issues and other issues have to be addressed and dealt with. That's true. There are times when you must do the things to win on a local issue. But you're not going to win the solution to a national problem in a precinct. You're not going to win it on little issues that people understand—not critical matters. And then you get people who run on issues, and what do they do? "Well, I've got to cover my butt. I promised my constituency on this issue, I'd take this position. Can I change it?" So what is your vote on an issue worth? It's worth essentially nothing, usually. What you vote for is a person, not an issue or package of issues. You vote for a person, because you want somebody who's going to implement what they stand for, not somebody who's going to promise you that maybe I will implement it, or, "I agree with you on this, therefore vote for me. I like you. I shook your hand. Give me some money and vote for me." What you want is a self-starter. You don't want a guy who buys your pitch. You want a self-starter who's going that way anyway, and says, "I'm glad to have you aboard, I need your support on this issue. You want it done? We have to do it? Okay, fine, I agree. But I'm going to do it!" So don't tell me about smart politicians who win on issues. They may win, but what good are they? The test in history is performance, especially in times of crisis. It's personality. You have to look inside the person. You have to look at the systemic composition of their dedication, their intentions, and see, is that the person you want to entrust with that risk? If he promises this, I'll support him? Crazy! That's wrong. That's immoral. Don't support a person because they take a certain stand on a certain issue. Vote for them because of what they are. You vote for them like you'd like to vote for a judge. I know that some of us don't trust lawyers and judges much; but if you had the choice of choosing a judge, you wouldn't choose a judge based on his issue. You'd choose him on the basis of his character, because the cases he's going to deal with, the issues he's going to deal with in his courtroom, are unpredictable to some degree. You want a man you can trust, to make an honest and effective decision. You want the chief magistrate of our country, the President, to be a man who can be trusted in making the right decision. The problem lies not with me or with these other candidates. The problem lies with you. Not you, as you people sitting here, but you in general. It's that you're suckers. You demand candidates who, if they fill the specifications you impose upon them, are worthless. This is the essence of tragedy, of Classical tragedy. No people, no nation, ever destroys itself through its leaders. It destroys itself through its lack of leaders. It destroys itself, above all, through its popular opinion. No nation can be destroyed unless it is from within, unless it is self-destroyed. The most important factor in the self-destruction of a nation, in all history from Greek tragedy on to the present, has been popular opinion. If you have a leader who responds to popular opinion in a time of crisis, then you have a bumbling fool on your hands. Because he is going to adapt himself to the popular opinion which is actually the causal factor of the destruction of the nation. Real, Physical Economics Take the economic question, an example of the case in point. We in the United States generally—especially if you teach in the universities, economics above all—don't know anything about economics. If you believe a professor who teaches you economics in a university, don't trust yourself in economic matters, because they don't understand that economics is physical, not monetary. Yes, we have monetary processes, financial processes. They're important. They have to be managed, but you don't let the monetary system or the financial system manage the economy. You have to make the economy manage the financial and monetary system, and use it as tools of management, not as the rulers of society. Real economy is physical. By physical, I mean what Vernadsky specified, the great Russian scientist. There are three factors of principle in the universe: One is the abiotic processes, as we can define them experimentally. Things that are not living processes. Then we have living processes, which are governed by principles which don't exist in abiotic processes. You could never get a living being out of a computer. You could never synthesize a living being from electromechanical parts. Never. Could never happen. Life is a principle, as Pasteur and his followers demonstrated. You also have another principle. Mankind is not an ape—although many people try to monkey with their lives. Mankind is not an ape. Mankind is a very special kind of creature, unlike any other living creature. Don't marry a monkey, it will not be a fruitful union, and you may come to regret it on other grounds. If we were monkeys or apes, our potential population density on this planet—that is, the number of living individuals—at any time under the circumstances known to us from the past 2 million years of our study of ice ages and so forth, would never exceed several million individuals. A very short life-span. Most dying in infancy, but at the same time, high grades of mortality. The human species today has a population of between 5 and 6 billion people. That is developed with the cultural and related development over successive generations. No other species of life on this planet could do that. Where does that come from? How are we enabled to do something which we would otherwise attribute to evolution in an animal, through what we call reason? The power of discovering universal physical principles. Now, it's not sufficient. Many people will recognize, as Vernadsky did, that the discovery of universal physical principles is the means by which mankind increases his power per capita over nature, improves things; but you can not rely on individual discovery alone. You must communicate these discoveries, impart their reenactment in other minds, and you must effect cooperation in joint activity based on those discoveries. You must organize, through education of the type we don't have presently—our universities and schools are an abomination, a cesspool—you transmit the cultural benefits, the cultural characteristics and knowledge of many generations of humanity from many parts of the world, you incorporate them into a nation, and its educational and cultural system. We are able to do things today because we are the beneficiaries of discoveries made by human beings from many parts of the world over many, many generations. The transmission of culture is what's important. That's what makes us human. Therefore, culture itself, in this sense, is also a universal physical principle, because it produces a physical effect such as the increase of the size of the human population, life expectancy and so forth. It changes the universe. We change the universe, and we change ourselves through these kinds of discoveries and applying them. Thus, these are also efficient physical principles, just as life itself is intrinsically an efficient physical prinicple. Take all of the physical effects, discoveries of principle, improvements in nature, changes in the environment in general, blooming the desert, all of these kinds of things are physical effects. How are you going to judge them? You judge an improvement in this generation, by what the outcome is two generations ahead. Your Obligation to Coming Generations For example, if we educate you today in a certain way, and we give you certain employment opportunities today, in a certain way, what is going to be the effect on what your children do in the next generation? It's not what you get in the short run. It's what you get in the long run, because you're a member of a human species. You have an obligation to generations which came before you, from all parts of the world. They have all contributed to what we are today. You therefore have an obligation to yourself to be a meaningful person. Because you're going to die eventually. To be a meaningful person to the coming generations. In good times, people used to think of their children and grandchildren in those terms. We have to go beyond that, and consider all the grandchildren in those terms, and those beyond them. So those are the physical standards. What are the physical conditions of life and opportunities which we're leaving? The genius of the United States is that, at a time when Europe could not build a true republic, the best minds of Europe—including the followers and associates of Gottfried Leibniz—established this republic around a young guy, then, called Benjamin Franklin; a movement supported from Europe, to try to do with the English-speaking colonies of North America, what could not be done in Europe under those conditions: to found a republic based on a true principle, a constitutional principle. Ours is the only nation which has a Constitution—drawn from its preamble, as the overriding principle—which is a true republic. Therefore, we as a melting-pot nation, with this heritage given to us by Europe, with this heritage and these powers and this Constitution which no other country in the world has—much as we abuse it, it's there, it's our heritage—we have the responsibility and we have the power and position, if we can find ourselves and our true interests. And I know how to do it. Not that I'm the greatest genius that ever walked the world, but I know how to do it, and it seems that nobody else does; or at least is not in the position to express that. I know how to bring Europe and Asia together. I'm bringing this together. I'm trying to bring the Islamic world together with us. I'm trying to bring China together with us, Korea together with us, Japan together with us, Russia together with us, India, Pakistan, the Middle East. Our destiny as the United States is not to be an empire, but is to be as John Quincy Adams proposed for the Americas, we must be, and our interests must be, a community of respectively, perfectly sovereign nation-states, united in common effort and common principle—a community of principle. No empires! No subjugation, but cooperation. I know how to do that. Thank you. <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. 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