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http://www.wsws.org/articles/2002/oct2002/urb-o30_prn.shtml

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WSWS : News & Analysis : Middle East : Iraq

Report on urban warfare points to US plans to destroy Iraqi cities

By Patrick Martin
30 October 2002

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A new report on urban warfare by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff is a blueprint for the 
use of
America’s overwhelming military and technological supremacy to brutalize and terrorize 
a
far weaker opponent into submission. It suggests that in any invasion of Iraq, American
military planners are prepared to use massive firepower to destroy Iraq’s major cities.

At the same time, the military brass would prefer to treat cities like Baghdad and 
Basra as
targets to be devastated from afar, rather than as prospective combat zones. The
document emphasizes the obstacles which urban combat places before an attacking force,
raising as cautionary examples such bloody urban battles as Stalingrad, Hue (Vietnam) 
and
Grozny (Chechnya).

The report, dated September 16, 2002, was made available on the web site of the New
York Times, which described the document in an article October 21. The study, which can
be accessed at http://www.nytimes.com/packages/pdf/international/021021dod_report.pdf,
is entitled “Doctrine for Joint Urban Operations.” (In Pentagon terminology, “joint”
designates an operation combining air, naval, ground and special operations forces 
under a
single command).

The Times article is fundamentally dishonest, portraying the new strategy as aimed at
bypassing cities, avoiding combat losses and minimizing civilian deaths. A careful 
reading of
the report suggests the opposite conclusion: despite occasional lip service to such
humanitarian concerns, it makes a case for using advanced weaponry on a massive
scale—with an inevitably catastrophic impact on the civilian population—as a 
substitute for
the perils and difficulties of house-to-house ground combat.

The military planners note that urban combat is costly for both attackers and 
defenders,
extremely time-consuming, and fraught with risks. The report states: “Ground combat 
... is
the most difficult and costly type of military urban operation. All those aspects of 
urban
ground combat that have historically extracted a terrible price on attacker, defender, 
and
noncombatant alike remain present today, multiplied by the increased size and 
complexity
of urban areas and increase in the number of inhabitants (“Doctrine for Joint Urban
Operations,” II-14).

The complex physical environment restricts the power of space-based reconnaissance
systems and reduces the leverage of the side possessing more advanced technology.
According to the report: “Cities reduce the advantages of the technologically superior 
force.
The physical terrain of cities tends to reduce line of sight (LOS) and the ability to 
observe
fires, inhibits command, control, and communications capability, makes aviation 
operations
more difficult, and decreases the effectiveness of naval surface fire support and 
indirect fire
support. It also degrades logistics, and often reduces ground operations to the level 
of
small unit combat. In addition, the constraints imposed by a need to minimize civilian
casualties and preserve infrastructure further reduce technological advantage” (I-7, 
I-8).

It is significant that the document frequently cites three historical examples in which
superior attacking forces met strategic defeat, even when they enjoyed initial or 
sustained
tactical success. In the battle of Stalingrad, the Nazi offensive against the Soviet 
Union met
shattering defeat after a Soviet counteroffensive trapped the German Sixth Army and 
forced
it to surrender. In Hue, the largest city captured outright by the Vietnamese 
liberation
forces during the Tet Offensive of February 1968, US Marines took heavy losses 
recapturing
the city, while public opinion in America turned sharply against the war. In Grozny in 
1994-
95, four attacking Russian army columns were fought to a standstill by Chechen 
guerrilla
fighters, and anti-war sentiment within Russia grew rapidly.

US military planners are clearly concerned that a bloodbath in Basra or Baghdad could
produce the same effect within the United States.

“Shaping the battlespace”

The answer to this problem, according to the document, is the use of firepower and the
isolation of targeted cities prior to assault. It singles out the importance of what 
is called, in
Pentagon jargon, “shaping the battlespace.” The military commander of an urban assault
“shapes the battlespace to best suit operational objectives by exerting appropriate 
influence
on adversary forces, friendly forces, the information environment, and particularly the
elements of the urban triad” (II-10).

Translation from military jargon is again required. The “urban triad,” according to the
report, consists of the physical terrain, population and infrastructure of the city. 
“Exerting
appropriate influence” on the urban triad means decisively shifting these three 
factors in a
direction that favors the attacker. In plain English, it means leveling buildings to 
improve
mobility, destroying the infrastructure to deny water, electricity and other systems 
to the
defenders, and driving out (or killing) the civilian population so that they don’t get 
in the
way.

The document calls for “the use of fires to create conditions favorable for operation
movement maneuver” and “the use of operational movement and maneuver to create
conditions for employing fires.” The Joint Chiefs insist there should be no limitation 
on US
commanders in terms of the weaponry employed: “In any urban combat maneuver, the
best approach is to use the full range of combined arms technology and weaponry 
available
to the joint force” (III-15).

The report recommends operations to achieve the physical, moral and informational
isolation of the urban area by surrounding it prior to any assault. In the context of 
a heavily
populated urban area, that means depriving civilians of food, water, electrical power 
and
access to adequate medical care—essentially starving the population into submission
through siege methods.

These tactics may not suffice, leaving the attacker ultimately no alternative but a 
frontal
assault. According to the report, “The joint force’s chances of success in executing 
this form
of maneuver can be greatly enhanced by its ability to apply overwhelming combat power
against specific objectives with speed, firepower, and shock” (III-17).

While the report suggests that precision weapons make attacks on specific urban targets
more effective, it also concedes that the urban terrain is the least favorable for the 
use of
such weapons, because of the difficulty in obtaining accurate fixes using satellite 
equipment
such as GPS, and because of the large number of noncombatants who will be in close
proximity to most targets.

The role of the media

Given the inevitable carnage that would ensue, the report advises careful planning of 
public
affairs operations “to produce maximum cooperation between the media and joint forces 
...
successful engagement of the media can aid the dissemination of information in the
operational area and help produce and maintain domestic and international support” 
(III-
37).

Again, translating from this bureaucratic language, the US military is counting on the 
servile
American media to whitewash the upcoming devastation of Iraqi cities, to downplay the
casualty toll, and to obediently retail such official lies as the claim—frequently 
made after
US atrocities—that civilian victims were being used as “human shields” by the enemy.

Underscoring the premium which the military places on the collusion of the
media—especially in light of the American debacle in Vietnam—the report notes that the 
US
military defeated the Vietnamese attacks on urban areas in the Tet Offensive, but lost 
the
“information battle” and, ultimately, the war itself.

The report cites approvingly the political lessons learned by the Russian military in 
the first
Chechnya campaign of 1994-1995, with the result that “during the second Chechnya
campaign of 1999-2000 the Russian government made every effort to control the media
and ensure that the Russian view of the war dominated public opinion. Russia won this
information war from day one of the fighting.”

The report speaks in Orwellian terms of a “strategy of reprogramming mass
consciousness,” denoting the techniques that are to be used to justify American 
conduct of
a new war against Iraq (III-40, III-41)

The Times article makes no mention of the document’s focus on public relations as a key
battlefield—a clear indication that the newspaper, like the rest of the 
corporate-controlled
media, is anxious to play the role of cheerleader and propagandist for the war effort.

War crimes planned in advance

Pentagon planners are acutely aware that the methods required for the conquest of Iraq
will make American commanders and soldiers potentially liable to prosecution for war
crimes. A section of the report on urban warfare is aimed at reassuring military 
personnel
that the US government will defend their actions as justified and legal under the US
interpretation of the laws of war.

The report states: “Although civilians, noncombatants, and civilian property may not be
specifically targeted, incidental injury and collateral damage are not unlawful if: 
caused
incident to an attack on a lawful target, and the incidental injury and collateral 
damage are
not excessive in light of the anticipated military advantage from the attack” (III-51).

Not only the killing of innocent civilians, but the use of chemical and incendiary 
weapons can
be justified, the document declares. While acknowledging that the Chemical Weapons
Convention, to which the US is a signatory, “prohibits the use of all chemical weapons,
including riot control agents,” the report goes on to declare, “the United States 
holds the
position that use of riot control agents to control prisoners of war or civil 
disturbances is not
a method of warfare and therefore not covered by the convention” (III-52). In other 
words,
the US cannot gas enemy soldiers, but it reserves the right to gas prisoners and 
civilians!

The same section of the report declares: “Incendiary weapons are lawful so long as they
are not employed so as to cause unnecessary suffering. Weapons with incidental 
incendiary
effects are exempted, as are munitions with a combined effect.” This language is so 
loose
as to constitute not a restriction, but rather a license to burn down cities.

Finally, the Joint Chiefs’ document takes up the treatment of noncombatants in the
aftermath of victory, i.e., once the military takes on an essentially police role in 
urban
areas. The report contrasts the failure of Israeli methods during the 1982 invasion of
Lebanon, when brutality toward Palestinian refugees and Lebanese civilians sparked
protracted guerrilla warfare, with what it presents as a model for “success” in such 
police
actions: the role of the British military in Northern Ireland.

The report makes the astonishing suggestion that “the British have been generally
successful in exercising control of the urban population without provoking popular 
backlash
by their presence” and that “British performance in Belfast provides a model of both 
inter-
Service and inter-agency cooperation.”

By placing the future American occupation of Baghdad somewhere on a continuum between
Israeli conduct in Beirut and British conduct in Belfast, the report demonstrates that 
the
Pentagon envisions a brutal colonial-style dictatorship, not the creation of a 
democratic
renaissance in the Middle East, as Bush administration propaganda pretends.







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