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http://www.arabnews.com/Article.asp?ID=20426

Arab News
SAUDI ARABIA'S FIRST ENGLISH LANGUAGE DAILY







Is there a French way to avoid war?
By Amir Taheri, Arab News Staff
Published on 17 November 2002

Is there a way to solve the Iraqi problem without war?

Jacques Chirac believes there is: the French way. The view in Paris is that the French 
way
has
triumphed and the threat of war against Saddam Hussein has receded. A recent headline 
in
the Parisian newspaper Le Monde read �Chirac forces George Bush to retreat�.

Chirac�s Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin describes the Security Council 
resolution
1448, under which weapons inspectors are expected to return to Iraq, as a triumph for 
the
French way. De Villepin, an amateur poet, waxes lyrical about France�s success to deny
Washington �an automatic mechanism� to use force against Saddam Hussein. Even if
Saddam violates the new resolution, de Villepin says, the Americans will still have to 
return
to the Security Council and ask what is to be done.

How will the French way work?

All starts with a bit of semantic jugglery to delight the deconstructionists. The 
phrase
�change of regime� is interpreted to mean �change within the regime.� The Baathist 
clique,
headed by Saddam Hussein, is treated like a theatrical troupe that could play both 
Macbeth
and Hamlet. All that is needed is to change the script and the costumes.

The French way is based on what is known in Paris as �France�s Arab policy� (La 
politique
Arabe de la France). Devised by the late Gen. de Gaulle in the early 1960s, this is 
based on
three assumptions. The first is that it is natural for Arabs to be ruled by a 
�strongman�. The
second is that the Arab �strongman� has no particular principles apart from a keen 
desire to
stay alive and in power. The third is that, if handled intelligently, the Arab 
�strongman�
could be useful to the West.

The �strongman� could take decisions that no normal government, subject to the pressure
of elections, would be able to take. French policy-makers believe that it is easier to 
deal
with a state run by a single man than one subjected to the complications of collective
decision-making and consensus building.

For example, President Anwar Sadat decided to reverse Egypt�s alliances in 1971, thus
altering the balance of power in the Middle East. Other examples include Jaafar 
Al-Numeiri
of Sudan, Muhammad Siad Barre of Somalia and Ibrahim Al-Hamdi of Yemen.

Yet another example is Yasser Arafat whose dramatic changes of position have 
exasperated
more than one interested party.

Another example: Iran was much less of a loose cannon under the late Ayatollah Khomeini
than his squabbling successors who cannot agree on who should play �strongman�.
Khomeini was able to sign secret deals with the United States, which it called �The 
Great
Satan�, and was able to instantly end the war with Iraq because he could decide alone. 
His
successors cannot even agree on an anodyne dialogue with Washington.

Another example of a �strongman� playing a positive part is the late Syrian President 
Hafez
Assad. He gave his word to President Richard Nixon in 1974 that no shot would be fired
from Syrian territory against Israel.

His pledge has been honored until today.

Iraq�s �strongman� Saddam Hussein must be regarded as another example. In 1975 he put
aside the pact that he had signed with the Soviet Union to make a secret deal with the 
Shah
of Iran, and to bring in the French on a massive scale. In 1980 Saddam invaded Iran in 
the
name of protecting Western interests in the region against Khomeinism.

The French admit that Saddam went too far in 1990 when he tried to annex Kuwait. But
they blame �faulty signals� from Washington for that. The old chestnut is that the 
Iraqi
dictator misinterpreted remarks by the US ambassador in Baghdad during a meeting in the
summer of 1980 to mean that Washington would regard an invasion of Kuwait as �an
internal Arab problem.�

The core of the French way consists of a belief that Saddam could, once again, be 
recruited
by the West to do its bidding.

Chirac believes that Washington�s sloganeering about the spread of democracy in the 
Arab
world, and black Africa, is na�ve to say the least. Imposed democratization in such 
countries
could only lead to tribalization, Chirac says.

If the French way is to be applied to Iraq it would be necessary for George W. Bush to 
go
beyond the three to four months period of probation allowed to Saddam Hussein by
Resolution 1448. Saddam Hussein should be given assurances that he is no longer 
targeted
for a change of regime, and that �changes in his regime� would be deemed sufficient. He
could be persuaded to appoint a prime minister, broaden the base of his power, bring 
down
his regime�s level of violence, renew his offer to recognize Israel, initially made in 
1998,
and, above all, give the weapons inspectors enough toys to break as to make their 
mission
look credible.

Under the French way, Saddam Hussein should remain in power until a suitable successor
is found within his system. This has always been the method of change in Iraq since the
overthrow of the monarchy in 1958. Abdel-Salam Aref emerged from within the group of
officers led by Abdelkarim Qassem. When Abdel-Salam died in a helicopter crash his
brother Abdel-Rahman, another army officer, became �strongman�. His successor, Ahmad
Hassan Al- Bakr, another army officer, emerged from within the same clique. Finally,
Saddam Hussein, a nephew of Al-Bakr, who died in mysterious circumstances, emerged as
�strongman�.

The French view is that a complete change of system in Iraq could destabilize the whole
region. A �traditional style� change, however, could preserve stability while ensuring 
that
Iraq will not become a threat to its neighbors and beyond.

The real debate about Iraq is whether we want �regime change� or �change of regime�.
Anything else would be posturing.

Arab News Opinion 17 November 2002



Copyright � 2002 ArabNews All Rights Reserved.

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