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In the Name of Security, Privacy for Me, Not Thee

November 24, 2002
By ADAM LIPTAK






IN the spring of 2001, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist
sounded an alarm.

"Technology now permits millions of important and
confidential conversations to occur through a vast system
of electronic networks," he wrote in a First Amendment
case. "These advances, however, raise significant privacy
concerns. We are placed in the uncomfortable position of
not knowing who might have access to our personal and
business e-mails, our medical and financial records, or our
cordless and cellular telephone conversations."

>From the Vietnam and Watergate era until Sept. 11, 2001,
legal protection of privacy rights was moving in only one
direction, with judges and legislators across the
ideological spectrum working hard to create what is in many
ways a new legal right.

"Before 9/11, the American concern with invasion of privacy
was growing," said Rodney A. Smolla, a law professor at the
University of Richmond. "The law of privacy was poised to
absorb and reflect some of the public concern. It was about
to become the new civil right."

Sept. 11 changed everything, and last week those changes
came into sharper focus, suggesting that any comprehensive
rethinking of the right to privacy will have to wait. On
Monday, two federal appeals courts endorsed vastly expanded
government intrusions into the private affairs of
Americans, finding privacy interests less compelling than
those of rooting out terrorists and child pornographers.

The Pentagon also attracted considerable attention this
month for a proposed database of unprecedented scale to
help in government antiterrorism efforts. It would collect
every sort of information imaginable, including student
grades, Internet activity and medical histories. The USA
Patriot Act, passed in October 2001, also altered the
balance between privacy and government power in countless
ways.

Public opposition to greater government surveillance has
been muted, even as many people continue to voice concerns
about the commercial use of data about themselves. That
dichotomy is a little hard to explain, given that intrusion
by the government can be life-altering while most
businesses can do little more than annoy people with phone
calls at dinner time.

The answer, it appears, is that many people believe the
government will invade only someone else's privacy. Privacy
for me, they seem to be saying, but not for thee.

Recent legal developments have in many ways mirrored these
attitudes.

In the battle between consumers and business interests,
consumers are winning, said Susan Crawford, a Washington
lawyer and an expert in privacy law. But in the battle
between citizens and law enforcement, she argued, citizens
are losing. The public, it seems, is pleased with both
results.

Public opinion polls taken immediately after Sept. 11 as
well as more recent surveys indicate substantial public
support for domestic security measures like wiretaps
approved by secret courts, informants recruited from the
ranks of delivery personnel and government surveillance at
rallies and in churches and mosques. Yet, national surveys
consistently show that consumers are concerned about how
commercial information about them is used, said Joel
Winston, associate director for financial practices at the
Federal Trade Commission.

What exactly these consumers fear is hard to say.


"Privacy is a totally overused and poorly understood term,"
said Diane Zimmerman, a law professor at New York
University.

At bottom, privacy may be about an almost metaphysical
sense of vulnerability, akin to the fear in some cultures
of having one's photograph taken.

INDEED, the talk turns abstract pretty fast when people are
asked what a right to privacy is meant to protect.

"It is about a sense of tranquillity, a sense of autonomy,"
said Floyd Abrams, the constitutional lawyer.

But metaphysical vulnerability, Mr. Abrams was quick to
add, starts to seem less oppressive if the alternative is
life-and-death vulnerability, and recent court decisions
and legislation reflect that calculation.

In the commercial realm, too, the government is now more
concerned with concrete harms.

"What most consumers care about is not an abstract concept
but actual injury," Mr. Winston of the trade commission
said. "They care about unwarranted intrusions like
telemarketing, to someone stealing your identity, to
someone using your credit information improperly."

Still, the essential paradox in the post-Sept. 11 era is
that people seem willing to accept government intrusions
but not commercial ones, even though the government's power
is enormous and often wielded in secret, while consumers
retain substantial control over their commercial
information.

In the commercial arena, "you can always opt out," said
Jane Kirtley, a professor of law and media ethics at the
University of Minnesota. "In the commercial private sector
we really do have a certain amount of choice. In terms of
government surveillance, we really do not."

She added: "The private sector can't garnish your wages,
can't take your child away, can't arrest you. The
government can do all those things."

The government's power was vividly illustrated in the two
federal appeals court rulings last week.

On Monday, a special federal appeals court, the United
States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review,
issued its first decision ever, granting the Justice
Department broad new powers to use wiretaps obtained for
intelligence operations in criminal cases. It reversed a
lower court's decision that had limited those powers out of
concern for citizens' privacy.

For 20 years, other court decisions and Justice Department
policy had erected a wall between the department's
intelligence and criminal arms. In its reversal, the
special appeals court relied in part on the Patriot Act,
but it also said the wall had never been required in the
first place.

"This is a giant step forward," Attorney General John
Ashcroft said. "This revolutionizes our ability to
investigate terrorists and prosecute terrorist acts."

ALSO on Monday, the United States Court of Appeals for the
Eighth Circuit, based in St. Louis, held that the police
could obtain e-mail messages of an accused child
pornographer by faxing a warrant to Yahoo, the Internet
service, and relying on Yahoo's technicians to produce the
materials. The case turned on whether the technicians could
in effect be deputized by the government.

But the courts' actions are nothing, critics said, compared
with the Total Information Awareness program of the
Pentagon's Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency. The
office plans to construct, according to materials posted on
its Web site, "ultra-large all-source information
repositories." They will include, the site says,
"associated privacy protection technologies."

That is small comfort, said Ms. Crawford, the Washington
lawyer.

"What people are really worried about is that someone not
have a fine-grained picture of their life," she said.

But they worry differently depending on who is looking.
"There is now a dramatic split, almost a schizophrenia, in
society," Professor Smolla of the University of Richmond
said. "There is no diminution in trying to address privacy
rights against the media, in commercial settings, in
property rights, in business. But we all see that there is
a dramatic change in our attitude toward government
intrusions."

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/11/24/weekinreview/24LIPT.html?ex=1039069357&ei=1&en=cedd6394f541d9cb



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