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The Middle East Plans Of The Trilateral Commission
By Barry Chamish
12-3-2
It's always a welcome moment when I have a chance to meet a member of
my update list in person. A sign of a changing world is I usually
recognize them, not by name, but by e-mail address. Such was the case
last Wednesday when I met Chaim Hayman at a lecture in Jerusalem. We
went out with a small group for drinks and then ended up in his
nearby apartment where he assured me that he has collected some vital
documentation.
How true he was to his word. Among his remarkable finds was one gem
that immediately caught my eye. It was a worn, partly dog-chewed
internal document prepared for the Trilateral Commission called, The
Israeli-Palestinian Issue. Here, at long last, was the Trilateral
Commission's real Middle East agenda.
For those unacquainted with this powerful group, it is a very good
idea to get to know them. In 1974, the chairman of the Council On
Foreign Relations (CFR), David Rockefeller decided to create an
international branch of his insidious think tank, encompassing select
American members of the CFR along with the chosen elite from NATO
countries and Japan. Hence, the tri of Trilateral.
Although the original organization had fewer than 200 members, by
1976, they had taken over the White House. Among the Trilateralists
in the new administration were Carter, Vance, Brown, Mondale and the
man with the hardest name to spell in diplomatic history, Zbigniew
Brzezinski.
Unlike the CFR, the Trilateral Commission is secretive and rarely
makes public policy announcements. But when they decide on a policy,
the whole world will feel it.
Which makes the document about to be revealed so important. The
Israeli-Palestinian Issue was prepared for the Trilateral
Commission's meeting in Washington between April 21-23,1990 by one
Garret Fitzgerald, a former Irish Prime Minister and then-Deputy
European Chairman of the Commission. Why these credentials have
anything to do with Middle East expertise is never explained and the
42 page report is superficial and riddled with mistakes.
Here is what really happened during the Winter of 1990 in Israel,
followed by Fitzgerald's twisted interpretation of the events.
In the Autumn of 1989 Israel enjoyed a unity government, with Peres
the Prime Minister for two years beginning in 1986 and Shamir taking
over in 1988. Peres was determined to overthrow Shamir and his
stategy focused on the Internal Affairs Minister he had promoted to
power, Arieh Deri of the Shas Party.
Peres had accepted the post as Finance Minister and appointed Yossi
Beilin his deputy minister. They recorded every pruta Deri was
stealing from the Treasury and by late 1989 Peres sent Beilin to
blackmail him. Either he would join the coup against Shamir and lead
his party out of the government, or he would go to prison for massive
embezzlement. Needless to say, Deri buckled and Beilin started
bragging that he had Shas in his "back pocket." (Details of the coup
are found in my article in the National Review, March 14, 1994 or in
my book Traitors And Carpetbaggers In The Promised Land - Hearthstone
Publishing, 1997).
With Shas in on the junta, Peres had enough Kneset members to fell
the government in a non-confidence motion. All he needed was an
excuse the public would buy. So he went concocting an issue that
would appear to justify his felling of the government.
In January of 1990, he leaked Ezer Weizman's secret meetings with the
PLO in Geneva, hoping Shamir would take the bait. He did at first,
demanding Weizman's resignation from the government.
And the public played along, further demanding that Weizman be put on
trial for his illegal rendezvous with the enemy. Into the fray walked
Peres, avidly defending Weizman and threatening a non-confidence
motion if he was sacked. Shamir saw the trap for what it was and
reached a silly compromise: Weizman would be expelled to the outer
cabinet and not take part in sensitive security meetings. The public,
wanting its government to survive, reluctantly accepted this plan.
So Peres called for help and it arrived in the form of Secretary Of
State James Baker. He flew to Cairo and cooked up the infamous six
point Baker Peace Plan with President Mubarak, knowing its clauses
would be unacceptable to Shamir. One clause more than subtly called
for the division of Jerusalem and Shamir rejected the Baker Plan. He
fell into the trap.
Peres called for the Israeli government to, "Say Yes To Baker," and
announced that he would initiate a non-confidence motion over the
issue. To the nation's surprise, the Orthodox Right Wing Shas Party
joined with Peres and the government fell. By June, Shas's
constituency pressed the party to re-join Shamir and Peres' plot
failed. He retaliated by releasing proof of Deri's crimes to the
right addresses and the Deri Scandal began in earnest. As we shall
see shortly, Yitzhak Rabin was utterly disgusted by Peres'
manipulations but first let's look at what Fitzgerald told the
Trilateral Commission:
After praising Mubarak's "courageous" peace work with Baker, and
noting Shamir's rejection of it, Fitzgerald observes, "the collapse
of the Israeli government in mid-March 1990 was a result of a Shamir
bluff being called by the Palestinians, the Americans and the Israeli
Labour Party. This interpretation sees Shamir as having been forced
to make an excuse to get out of accepting the initiation of the
dialogue, even if necessary at the expense of the collapse of his
government."
Or, "the Jerusalem issue was an excuse to cover a much more general
concern on their part at the idea of commencing such a dialogue,
which some fear, could undermine the longer-term objectives of the
Right with regard to the Occupied territories."
Finally concluding, "The initiation of a peace process became for the
first time in Israel's history the major issue between the parties,
causing the collapse of the government."
And if you think he got everything wrong so far, look at
this: "Earlier differences between Peres and Rabin, which, at times
had appeared to have an explosive potential, disappeared temporarily,
with Rabin, despite his aggressive attitude towards the Intifadah,
supporting Peres."
Of course, Rabin as Defence Minister took all the steps necessary to
keep the Intifada on hot but that's not the point here. Rabin
despised Peres' exploitation of Israeli democracy and called the coup
against Shamir, "the stinking deal," one of Rabin's most remembered
quotes.
Now, let's look at the Trilateral Commission's overall attitude
towards the conflict. First of all, Arabs are gentle, peace-loving
folks:
"The recent period has seen a very substantial shift in attitudes by
the PLO and the Palestinians. This may reflect a recognition that the
earlier policy of using violence against Israel was indeed
counterproductive to their interests." pp 7
"The position taken up by Arafat and the Palestinian leadership in
dropping lethal violence in favour of the Intifadah and of
negotiations has involved a serious risk for them." pp 9
"There are many in the Trilateral countries who fear the consequences
of such a scenario for peace...although others are less pessimistic
because they believe that none of Israel's neighbours wants war." pp
22
With so many non-violent, peace-loving Arabs in the region, the only
thing left to reach a peace agreement is the right political party:
"Would there be a better chance that the process might evolve in this
way if the delegation represented a Labour-led government? It would
appear to be the case." pp 19
But those nasty Rightists and those pesty settlements are getting in
the way of the peace-loving Arabs and Labour Party, the very people
who two years later brought us the Trilateral Commision-backed, Oslo
Agreement.
"...the main impact of this new immigration has been upon the pattern
of settlements in occupied territories in East Jerusalem, but there
are fears that this new wave of immigration could also lead to a
renewed attempt to accelerate the process of peopling other parts of
the West Bank with Jewish settlers..." pp 3
"Most of these settlements are official ones established on land
confiscated on the dubious grounds that its present occupants lack
formal title to it. But there are also unofficial settlements of a
highly provocative character, for example in the center of the
Palestinian town of Hebron."
Of course, Fitzgerald fails to recall that the "Palestinians" who
didn't exist at the time in anyone's lexicon, occupied Hebron
illegally in 1929 by slaughtering its very longtime Jewish residents.
Still, the settlers have to go and here is the Trilateral Commission
plan:
"It might be possible to secure agreement to the re-location of many
settlers scattered at present throughout the West Bank into
settlements nearer to the Green Line as part of agreed border
rectifications." pp 27
Naturally, this plan is a formula for war, so how can it possibly be
implemented? Easy, the armies of the New World Order will take over
the region. And that is the point of this whole exercise in the first
place:
"Both the United States and Europe would need to be prepared,
regardless of past inhibitions, to exert the pressure necessary to
break the deadlock." pp 22
"...the concern of the Palestinians about possible Israeli military
intervention being met in turn by international guarantees and the
presence of an international force policing the area." pp 24
"In these circumstances, the reassurance could be provided only in a
massive reduction of arms...Such a process would need to be subject
to international controls...In the international situation now
emerging it could be possible to visualise an agreement involving all
arms-producing States guaranteeing that no replacement arms would be
supplied to any party which committed aggression against the other."
pp 25-26
"There is an obvious need for an impartial authority to manage the
available water in the land of Palestine...This problem would seem
more appropriately dealt with by some joint or international water
control arrangement." pp 28-29
Now that Israel has been disarmed and dehydrated by the international
forces within her "Palestinian" boundaries, what will her future be?
Why she will be a cog in a copy of the EU.
"Close economic links between a Palestinian/Jordanian Confederation
and Israel, involving a Common Market or a Benelux structure are
acceptable to the PLO and Palestinians and to many Israelis..." pp 31
And that is an inside peek at the thinking of the Trilateral
Commission. Those flexible Palestinians and Jordanians, all of them,
would love to be part of a trading bloc with Israel. They don't mind
giving up their sovereignty and if the Israelis do, well, all those
international troops enforcing all those international commissions
will change their minds in time.
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