From:   "John Hurst", [EMAIL PROTECTED]

� Guardian Newspapers Limited 2000

Why papers won't say our freedom is in peril
By Peter Preston

Welcome to question time on the
Freedom Trail. Did you know that the
Local Government Bill, now wending its
way through Parliament, removes the
statutory right of press and public to
attend your local council's
decision-making meetings? And to get
agenda papers in advance? And to
inspect the minutes when the decision's
taken?

Did you know that the Regulation of
Investigatory Powers Bill, in similar
transition, hands MI5 the right to intercept
any private email it chooses, without even
prior clearance from a judge? Have you
thought what that will mean for journalists'
sources or for your own privacy?

Did you know that the Freedom of
Information Bill is 'grudgingly drafted...
back to front: we haven't got anything at
the front saying something like the Bill's
purpose is to be as open as possible'?
And that, pray, is the opinion of Elizabeth
France, the first designated commissioner
for FoI?

Now, it's possible you might have been
able to answer Yes every time. Perhaps
you're preparing a university thesis on
botched media law - or just a devourer of
the Guardian. But, equally, some - and
maybe all - of this will be news to you.

Why isn't your paper keeping you abreast
of such unpleasing events? Why (as the
sainted Harry Evans, former editor of the
Sunday Times, told the Society of Editors
recently) does the press fight its battles
so feebly? 'If we don't make a stand to
maintain the freedoms of a half-free press,
we shall be back to some of the worst
periods of repression,' he said.

Here - not much for anyone's comfort - is
one big reason why. The struggle against
censorship keeps falling victim to
self-censorship. And if that sounds
bizarre, look at what journalists mean
when they talk about self-censorship.

British newspaper and broadcasting
editors and reporters are not, by and
large, an introspective lot. But, happily,
American journalism and foundation
funding can supply all the
sociologically-honed introspection we
could possibly need. The Columbia
Journalism Review - along with the Pew
Research centre - has just polled 300
leading professionals across the States
on the reasons why stories they think
should be covered aren't covered at all.

The third most regular reason why stories
don't appear is - predictably - because
they are 'damaging to the interests of the
news organisation they're working for'.
You can tell the truth, the whole truth and
nothing but the truth: but not in your own
backyard.

The second reason - cited by 43 per cent
of national print men and 29 per cent of
broadcasters - is that writing a particular
story will expose you 'to ridicule by other
journalists'. In short, don't break away
from the pack. Conform: shape up, go
with the gang. Or you'll be buying your
own drinks next week. Some cynics may
think that an everyday story of
Westminster lobby folk.

But the biggest reason why stories that
the people involved think we need to know
about seldom see the light of day, is
something still more mundane. It's
because they are 'too complicated'.

Fully 62 per cent of the journalists polled
thought, first hand, that 'too complex'
stories which had considerable 'public
interest' hit the spike or the cutting room
floor because they were hard to tell or
absorb. Eighty-four per cent said the
same about stories which were 'important,
but dull'. This is not dumbing down: it is
dumbing out.

So: who wants to pick away at the
intricacies of the Local Government Bill,
apart from a few devoted local editors
determined to find out what's going on?
Who cares about email privacy until some
editor finds he's got weevils in his own
mail box? Who cares about the Freedom
of Information Bill, clause by clause?

It's all a migraine of complexity, a
slaughterer of attention spans. Let's find
something simpler.

Here, on reflection, is the ultimate irony.
Big corporations employ large, expert
teams to hone the news they think that
papers and TV stations ought to carry.
News management is a buoyant New
Labour growth industry. Yet the people
who actually manage the news don't run
the stories that affect them and their
audiences most immediately because
(implicitly) they deem them boring.

Any generalisation like this, of course,
comes trailing honorable exceptions:
reporters such as Nick Cohen, Richard
Norton-Taylor, and Andrew Pierce among
many others, editors around the land who
see the point. But Harry Evans is still right
to draw parallels with his own crusade
long ago for the victims of thalidomide.
That was protracted, expensive, difficult,
complicated - and the rest of Fleet Street
left it too feebly to the Sunday Times.

Is there a case for the defence? Naturally.
Editors are paid to guess what their
readers want in a highly competitive trade.
Is 'self-censorship', in this quivering
American definition, any more than the
necessity of choice?

And anyway, everybody knows - or hopes
they know - that nasty media law in this
country tends to get dropped when the
heavyweight barons of our business call
on Mr Straw or Mr Blair in private at the
eleventh hour. Realpolitik.

But the trouble with that isn't just the
difference between early warning and late
bailing: it is that, as a process, it's
exactly what the row about the Local
Government Bill is all about. It leaves the
reader as citizen in the cold, beyond a
closed door: bereft of the questions, never
mind the answers.


"In England today we can do what we like, as long as we do as we're told."
-- Marriott Edgar

===============================================================
"The facts embodied in Magna Carta and the circumstances giving rise to them
were buried or misunderstood.  The underlying idea of the sovereignty of the
law, long existent in feudal custom, was raised by it into a doctrine for
the national State.  And when in subsequent ages the State, swollen with its
own authority, has attempted to ride roughshod over the rights or liberties
of the subject it is to this doctrine that appeal has again and again been
made, and never as yet, without success."

Winston Churchill. A History of the English Speaking Peoples (1956) Vol. 1,
p
201-202.

www.magnacarta.demon.co.uk

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