"And Then They Came for Bill," by Gideon Kanner, Professor Emeritus, 
Loyola Law School

from the National Law Journal



"This ruling says to creators of intellectual property that the government
can take away what you've created if it turns out to be too popular."

Bill Gates, commenting on the court order to break up Microsoft.


Welcome to my world of property takings, Mr. Gates.  What took you so
long?

Not only does the government take land by confiscatory regulations but it
rips off intellectual property too.  When it does and gets nailed, the
victim only gets a royalty on the idea stolen by the government instead of
a tort measure of damages.  See Tektronix, Inc. v. United States, 552 F.2d
343 (Ct. Cl. 1977).  And piracy is not the only way the government can
take intellectual property.  It can order disclosure of a trade secret to
the public, which, of course, reveals it to one's competitors.  See
Ruckelshaus v. Monsanto Co, 467 U.S. 986 (1984).

So to the extent Microsoft has been ordered to license its Windows
operating system to computer makers, facilitate their ability to study it,
and been enjoined from modifying its start-up sequence and desktop so as
to remove some of its features, it looks like it has suffered an
uncompensated taking of its intellectual property.  As James De Long noted
in his 1997 book Property Matters, it was only a matter of time before
someone would hoist the Jolly Roger flag and go after intellectual
property rights.

For the past half-century private property rights have been under attack,
and one reason land has been its focus is that-apart from historical
factors that make land the most important species of property-you can't
move land out of the regulating jurisdiction.  It just has to lie there
and take it, along with its owners.

So why haven't landed nabobs like Bill Gates led the opposition to extreme
forms of land regulation?  Answer: because they have been co-opted.

The most common type of property regulation is zoning and its myriad
associated land-use laws that allow the folks in City Hall and the local
Establishment to micromanage the homes of free Americans to an amazing
extent.  Zoning is also regularly used to stifle competition for existing,
entrenched businesses, and the process of redevelopment (once quaintly
called "slum clearance") has been transmogrified into an engine of wealth
redistribution whereby cities seize unoffending private property,
undercompensate its owners and then turn it over at subsidized prices to
well-connected private, profit-making mass merchandisers, shopping center
developers, car dealers, race track promoters and even gambling casinos.

Land-use regulations may do some good, but they can also place the posh
suburbs of influential folks beyond the reach of competing seekers of the
good life, which is why they remain so popular with the NIMBY crowd.
Whether they are really necessary is another story.  The city of Houston,
Texas, has no zoning and yet looks no significantly different from other
cities of similar size, age and location.

As the late dean of America's land-use bar, Richard Babcock of Chicago,
put it in 1985, "it is a curious phenomenon that the titans of industry
who abhor government regulation and place full-page ads in the Wall Street
Journal extolling the virtues of the marketplace are among the most
zealous devotees of zoning."  Actually, there is nothing "curious" about
it.  In the first zoning case to come before the U.S. Supreme Court
(Euclid v. Ambler Realty Co. 272 U.S. 379 (1926)), the trial judge
astutely observed that one purpose of zoning was to facilitate social and
economic segregation.  And surely you need no lesson on how land-use
regulations have been used in aid of ethnic discrimination.

When the environmentalists launched their attempt to legitimize takings by
extreme regulations that deprive owners of all use of their property, the
government advisory committee that recommended uncompensated expropriation
of development rights of private property included Laurance Rockefeller,
Walter E. Hoadley, VP of the Bank of America, John R. Price, Jr., VP of
Manufacturers Hanover, James W. Rouse, the big-time developer, and Pete
Wilson, who later became the Republican Governor of California.  (Gladwin
Hill, Authority to Develop Land Is Termed a Public Right, N.Y. Times, May
20, 1973, p. 21).  These were no anti-property radicals, and if you think
they were crazy thus to attack what might seem like their birthright, rest
assured that they were crazy like a fox -- they were defending their home
turf from the likes of you.

But what goes around comes around.  Bill Gates, nabob extraordinaire, is
now feeling the sting of government taking of his property.  I hope he
learns the right lesson from it.

If he were as smart as he thinks he is, he would use some of his remaining
gazillions to fund a high-class think tank devoted to the study of the
virtues of private property, and populate it with the best minds around.
He would also do well to give generously to public interest law firms like
the Pacific Legal Foundation, and the Institute for Justice, that are
fighting the brutal intellectual trench war of defending private property
rights -- his rights -- in the courts.

It is a bedrock American principle that when constitutional rights of some
people are impaired with impunity, sooner or later the rights of others
will suffer too.  Bill Gates, take note and double-click on that.


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