On 8/28/23, Undescribed Horrific Abuse, One Victim & Survivor of Many <[email protected]> wrote: > Part One > > Thought Reform and Cultism > > Part One Chapter 1 > Chinese Communist Thought Reform > > _ Chinese thought reform was the subject of my first research study, > in a sense my initiation into the realm of psychological history. I > was fascinated by the process on two levels. The first was the > individual experience of each Chinese or Western person I interviewed, > which raised questions about the ways minds could be manipulated and > altered and about distinctions between coercive and therapeutic > approaches to individual change. These were questions at the heart of > my profession. _ > > _ But I was equally impressed by the larger historical spectacle of > hundreds of millions of Chinese people subjected to a vast compulsory > movement of "re-education" -- universities, schools, special > "revolutionary colleges," prisons, business and government offices, > labor and peasant organizations, and neighborhood groups. What was the > historical significance of such intense political "psychotherapy" > applied to citizens of the largest society on earth? I came to > recognize thought reform as a project of political purification on a > scale never previously attempted anywhere. _ > > _ Indeed, I have come to view the thought reform process as a form of > psychological apocalypticism, of bringing about the "death" of all > ideas and ideologies prior to those of Mao Zedong and providing a > "reformed" remnant (in this case a very large one) to preside over > further Maoist purification -- of China, and perhaps of the world. I > was studying not only individual change in worldview and identity but > a grandiose and coercive effort at a historical "new beginning." _ > > _ In that way, thought reform had a cultist element of Chinese society > turning inward on itself. From 1948 through the 1950s, several thought > reform-driven national campaigns took place, such as the Suppression > of Counterrevolutionaries, Three-Anti, Five-Anti, and Anti-Rightist > campaigns. Of particular interest was the "Hundred Flowers Movement" > ("Let the hundred flowers bloom[13], let the hundred schools of > thought contend"), which encouraged intellectuals to speak frankly > about their criticisms of the regime. But authorities were surprised > by what they had let loose, and turned the event into a trap. Those > who had spoken out critically were subjected to fierce condemnation, > with their position in society newly imperiled. Those initial > criticisms were significant: one professor, in his response, said, "I > find the term _thought reform_ rather repulsive.... I am not aware > that there is anything wrong with my thought." And another put it into > language I use in this book: "I think a Party leading the nation is > not the same as a Party owning the nation." Such critics made it clear > that difficulties can occur for those who seek to "own" human minds or > reality itself. _ > > _ Yet, in the mid-1950s, at the same time I was probing these matters > in my Hong Kong research, American travelers to Hong Kong told me > about McCarthyism back home and its own assault on minds and on > reality. Senator Joseph McCarthy and those who followed or were > influenced by him were making wild accusations of Communist > association against public figures, teachers, and writers. Subscribing > to the wrong magazine might result in being fired from one's job. _ > > _ That message, when combined with my everyday experience of thought > reform's punitive distortions, gave me the sense that the whole world > had gone mad, that there was a pandemic of assault on mind and > reality. _ > > _ Thought reform, then, is an extreme version of ever-present human > tendencies to contrast one's own purity with the impurity of all else; > and on that basis to justify one's claim to the ownership of reality. > _ > > > Chinese Communist Thought Reform > _First published in 1961_ > > When confronted with the endless discussion on the general subject of > "brainwashing," I am sometimes reminded of the Zen Buddhist maxim: > "The more we talk about it, the less we understand it." > > Behind this web of semantic (and more than semantic) confusion lies an > image of "brainwashing" as an all-powerful, irresistible, > unfathomable, and magical method of achieving total control over the > human mind. It is of course none of these things, and this loose usage > makes the word a rallying point for fear, resentment, urges toward > submission, justification for failure, irresponsible accusation, and > for a wide gamut of emotional extremism. One may justly conclude that > the term has a far from precise and a questionable usefulness; one may > even be tempted to forget about the whole subject. > > Yet to do so would be to overlook one of the major problems of our era > -- the psychology and the ethics of directed attempts at changing > human beings. For despite the vicissitudes of brainwashing, the > process that gave rise to the name is very much a reality: the > official Chinese Communist program of _sixiang gaizao_ (variously > translated as "ideological remolding," "ideological reform," or as we > shall refer to it here, "thought reform") has in fact emerged as one > of the most powerful efforts at human manipulation ever undertaken. To > be sure, such a program is by no means completely new: imposed dogmas, > inquisitions, and mass conversion movements have existed in every > country and during every historical epoch. But the Chinese Communists > brought to theirs a more organized, comprehensive, and deliberate -- a > more total -- character, as well as a unique blend of energetic and > ingenious psychological techniques. > > When I began my study of Chinese Communist thought reform in the > 1950s, the Western world had heard mostly about "thought reform" as > applied in a military setting: the coerced bacteriological warfare > confessions[14] and the collaboration obtained from American (and > other United Nations) prisoners during the Korean War. However, these > were merely export versions of a thought reform program aimed not > primarily at Westerners, but at the Chinese people themselves, and > vigorously applied in universities, schools, special "revolutionary > collages," prisons, business and government offices, and labor and > peasant organizations. Thought reform combined this impressively > widespread distribution with a focused emotional power. Not only did > it reach one-fourth of the people in the world, but it sought to bring > about in everyone it touched a significant personal upheaval. > > Whatever its setting, thought reform consists of two basic elements: > _confession_, the exposure and renunciation of past and present > "evil"; and _re-education_, the remaking of a man in the Communist > image. These elements are closely related and overlapping, since they > both bring into play a series of pressures and appeals -- > intellectual, emotional, and physical -- aimed at social control and > individual change. > > When I arrived in Hong Kong in late January 1954, I soon found out > that those who had undergone this experience fell into two broad > groups: Western civilians reformed in prisons, and Chinese > intellectuals who had undergone their reform in universities or in > "revolutionary colleges." As I immersed myself in interviews with both > groups, I was fascinated on two levels. The first was the nitty-gritty > experience I studied with each Chinese or Western person I talked to, > which led immediately to fundamental psychological questions about > ways in which minds can be manipulated and changed, and about > capacities to resist such manipulation. Also involved were important > distinctions between coercive and therapeutic approaches to bringing > about change. These questions are at the heart of my profession and > have significance for the way we live in general. > > But there was another level to thought reform: its visionary or > transcendent characteristic, the specter of hundreds of millions of > Chinese people -- in their neighborhoods, schools, and places of work > -- caught up in a compulsory movement of purification and renewal. > What did it mean for such an extreme ethos to dominate an entire vast > society? > > As I proceeded with the work, I realized that one of the main causes > for confusion about thought reform lay in the complexity of the > process itself. Some people considered it a relentless means of > undermining the human personality; others saw it as a profoundly > "moral" -- even religious -- attempt to instill new ethics into the > Chinese people. Both of these views were partially correct, and yet > each, insofar as it ignored the other, was greatly misleading. For it > was the combination of external force or coercion with an appeal to > the inner enthusiasm through evangelistic exhortation which gave > thought reform its emotional scope and power. > > Coercion and breakdown were, of course, more prominent in the prisons, > where brutal treatment that constituted torture was frequent, while > exhortation and ethical appeal were especially stressed with the rest > of the Chinese population; and it becomes extremely difficulty to > determine just where exhortation ends and coercion begins. I could > observe that thought reform was by no means a casual undertaking but > rather a systematic and widespread program that penetrated deeply into > people's psyches. > > I found it very important to consider what was behind thought reform, > what impelled the Chinese Communists to carry out such extreme > measures on such an extensive scale. The complexities of their > motivations will be discussed later on; but it is necessary for us now > -- before getting to the prison experiences of Westerners -- to know > something about the Chinese Communist philosophy or rationale for > their program. > > The leading Chinese political theorists, although reticent about > technical details, have written extensively on general principles. Mao > Zedong himself, in a well-known speech originally delivered to party > members in 1942, laid down the basic principles of punishment and cure > that are always quoted by later writers. To overcome undesirable and > "unorthodox" trends, he specified that > >> two principles must be observed. The first is, "punish the past to warn >> the future" >> and the second, "save men by curing their diseases." Past errors must be >> exposed >> with no thought of personal feelings or face. We must use a scientific >> attitude to >> analyze and criticize what has been undesirable in the past ... this is >> the meaning >> of "punish the past to warn the future." But our object in exposing errors >> and >> criticizing shortcomings is like that of a doctor in curing a disease. > > The argument continues as follows: the "old society" in China (or any > non-Communist society anywhere) was (and is) evil and corrupt; this is > true because of the domination of the "exploiting classes" -- the > landowners and capitalists and bourgeoisie; everyone has been exposed > to this type of society and therefore retains from it "evil remnants" > or "ideological poisons"; only thought reform can rid him of these and > make him a "new man" in a "new society." And long philosophical > treatises emphasize the need to bring the "ideology of all classes" > into harmony with "objective material conditions" -- or in other > words, to blend personal beliefs with Communist-implemented social > realities. > > In prison environments, Western civilians (and their Chinese > cellmates) encountered a special penal version of these principles: > >> All crimes have definite sociological roots. The evil ideology and evil >> habits left >> behind by the old society ... still remain in the minds of some people to >> a marked >> degree. Thus if we are to wipe all crimes from their roots, in addition to >> inflicting >> on the criminal the punishment due, we must also carry out various >> effective >> measures to transform the various evil ideological conceptions in the >> minds of the >> people so that they may be educated and reformed into new people. > > Penal institutions were referred to as "re-education centers," > "meditation houses," or even "hospitals for ideological reform." > Westerners spent most of their time -- one to five years of > imprisonment -- essentially devoted to "solving their cases"; and they > were not tried or sentenced until just before their release. The > large-scale policy of "reform through labor" -- the use of prisoners > in labor battalions -- was mostly reserved for the Chinese themselves. > > In the penal institutions it was made clear that the "reactionary spy" > who entered the prison must perish, and that in his place must arise a > "new man," resurrected in the Communist mold. The environment did not > permit any sidestepping: the prisoners were forced to participate, > drawn into the forces around them until they themselves began to feel > the need to confess and to reform. In all of this it is most important > to realize that what might be seen as a set of coercive maneuvers, the > Chinese Communists viewed as a morally uplifting, harmonizing, and > scientifically therapeutic experience. > > This penetration by the psychological forces of the environment into > the inner emotions of the individual person is perhaps the outstanding > psychiatric fact of thought reform. The milieu brings to bear upon the > prisoner a series of overwhelming pressures, at the same time allowing > only a very limited set of alternatives for adapting to them. In the > interplay between person and environment, a sequence of steps or > operations -- of combinations of manipulation and response -- takes > place. All of these steps revolved around two policies and two > demands: the fluctuation between assault and leniency, and the > requirements of confession and re-education. > > > [left off page 29] [this is as far as i got before the next book > started, which is “opening our minds” by jon atack. 2023-08-28] > > > 13: "Let the hundred flowers bloom": See the pamphlets "Contradiction" > and "The Storm" (China Viewpoints: Hong Kong, 1958); Benjamin > Schwartz, "New Trends in Maoism," _Problems of Communism_ 6 > (1957):1-8. > > 14: the coerced bacteriological warfare confessions: A later study > argued that America actually engaged in experimental biological > warfare. Stephen Endicott and Edward Hagerman, _The United States and > Biological Warfare: Secrets from the Early Cold War and Korea_ > (Bloomington and Indianapolis Indiana University Press, 1998). >
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