Subject: SNET: The United States of Enron

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January 19, 2002 
The United States of Enron 
By FRANK RICH 

Wasn't that the best?" said a laughing Ann Richards this week, when I asked 
her reaction to President Bush's effort to hide behind her skirt when 
questioned about Enron. "It was so silly. Why didn't he just say Ken Lay was a 
strong supporter and gave him a half-million dollars and is a good friend, and 
he's really sorry Ken's in these terrible circumstances?"  

Good question. As the world knows now, George W. Bush told two lies when 
first asked about his ties to the top guy in what may prove the largest 
corporate flimflam in history. The president said (1) that he only "got to know" 
Mr. Lay in 1994, when in fact their relationship goes back at least to 1992; 
and (2) that Mr. Lay "was a supporter" of Governor Richards, when in fact Mr. 
Lay told TV's "Frontline" last year that he "did support" Mr. Bush over Ms. 
Richards in their Texas race.  

This is the president who promised to usher America into "a new era of 
personal responsibility"?  

What makes the dissembling so strange is that there is no evidence of any 
administration illegality in the Enron affair. And yet each day brings a new 
half-truth or seeming cover-up. Appearing on CNN last Saturday, Lawrence 
Lindsey, the top Bush economic adviser and a former Enron consultant, 
seconded the president's effort to pin Ken Lay on Ann Richards, but 
somehow forgot to say what would become public four days later ‹ that he 
had overseen an administration study of the impact of Enron's travails in 
October. Earlier, Mary Matalin had visited the Imus show to defend her boss, 
Dick Cheney, but instead of vowing to open the books on the secret 
meetings between Enron and the vice president's clandestine energy task 
force, she asserted that Enron got "not one thing" from the administration's 
energy plan (actually it got plenty) and tried desperately to dismiss the entire 
ruckus as lacking an intern's "blue dress."  

Hard as it is to believe, it was only 10 days ago that Ari Fleischer declared, 
"I'm not aware of anybody in the White House who discussed Enron's 
financial situation." Now we're painfully aware that the only White House 
inhabitants who may not have discussed it are the president, Barney and 
Spot ‹ or so we must believe until future investigators turn up a smoking 
pretzel.  

Washington, meanwhile, is busy debating whether Enron the Scandal is as 
hot as Whitewater. This should be a no-brainer. While The Wall Street 
Journal published an encyclopedic series of tomes to parse a low- rent 
Arkansas land scam to a public that never did quite understand it, everyone 
instantly gets an epic fraud in which arrogant high-fliers stacked the deck to 
fleece thousands of peons to the tune of zillions.  

For a quick cultural index of this story's allure, check out the hundreds of hotly 
contested Enron lots on Ebay, where the bankrupt company's stock 
certificates have gone for north of $200 ‹ a multiple of 300 times the last 
known value of a share of the stock itself. And, Ms. Matalin notwithstanding, 
this scandal is not sex-free. Not only did Enron approach Penthouse and 
Playboy to try to enter the porn business, as The Times has reported, but we 
learn in Fortune that "rumors of sexual high jinks" in Enron's executive suites 
"ran rampant." A nation that doted on the soap operatics of "Dallas" may 
have at long last found a worthy sequel in "Houston." Once the "sexual high 
jinks" kick in, it could play 24/7 on cable, with or without Paula Zahn.  

The Washington wisdom that Enron has no legs ‹ that it's not a political 
scandal, merely a financial one ‹ is based on the premise that the Bush 
administration didn't ride to Ken Lay's rescue once disaster struck. But what 
about the favors performed for Enron before the meltdown? That's as political 
as you can get, particularly since, unlike Whitewater, this scandal implicates 
both parties and the corrupt campaign finance system that makes them look 
like interchangeable vending machines for their often overlapping patrons.  

Though the Bush administration has been in office only a year, Enron's oily 
fingerprints are all over its actions as well as its résumés and stock 
portfolios. Mr. Lay helped hand-pick the head of the government agency in 
charge of regulating his own business and stood to gain a $254 million 
corporate tax rebate in the administration-blessed stimulus bill (despite the 
fact that Enron used almost 900 offshore "subsidiaries" to avoid paying any 
income taxes at all in four of the last five years). The Enron old-boy network 
may even have played a backdoor role in the life-and-death matter of stem 
cell policy. When President Bush announced his stem cell "compromise" in 
August, many top researchers criticized it as an obstacle to medical 
progress. But miraculously the administration was able to produce an instant 
endorsement from John Mendelsohn of the M. D. Anderson Cancer Center in 
Houston ‹ who we now know is an Enron board member whose institution 
received $600,000 in Enron lucre.  

The Clinton Democrats had eight years of Enron exposure, and while never 
receiving remotely the sums that the Republicans did, nonetheless had their 
own contacts (and presidential golf outing) with Mr. Lay. We already know, 
thanks to a 1997 article in Time, that Bill Clinton nudged Mack McLarty to 
lend the administration's weight to an Enron bid on a $3 billion power-plant 
project in India, and that the Democrats received $100,000 from Enron just 
four days before the Indian government came through. Will Joe Lieberman, 
who (like two-thirds of his committee) took Enron money, revisit his own 
party's Enron history as well as that of the G.O.P.? According to a 1995 
report in The Nation, Robert Rubin's association with Enron didn't start last 
year at Citigroup but dates back to his pre-Treasury career at Goldman, 
Sachs. Enron's Washington office is currently headed by another former 
Clinton Treasury appointee.  

Then again, who in either party hasn't cashed an Enron check? No fewer than 
71 senators and 188 congressmen have been on the Enron gravy train. All 
but 5 of the 56 members of another investigative committee, House Energy 
and Commerce, got Enron or Arthur Andersen dough. The country's chief law 
enforcement officer, John Ashcroft, has recused himself from the case 
because he too received Enron cash ‹ though even that ethical gesture looks 
suspicious, given his failure to stay out of Justice matters involving such other 
contributors as the N.R.A. and Microsoft. Another Congressional investigator, 
Billy Tauzin, Republican of Louisiana, was the single biggest House recipient 
of Arthur Andersen campaign money. Phil Gramm, the ranking Republican on 
the Senate Banking Committee, and his wife, Wendy (a former federal 
regulator now on Enron's board), could pass for one of Enron's wholly owned 
Cayman Island subsidiaries.  

Harvey Pitt, the Bush administration's chief at the S.E.C., was actually an 
Arthur Andersen lawyer. After this week's revelation that top Andersen 
executives knew of funny business at Enron as early as February 2001, you 
have to wonder whether Mr. Pitt should be a witness in an S.E.C. 
investigation rather than its overlord. Was he representing Andersen at the 
time it first detected Enron's misbehavior? Was he in the loop? The 
stonewalling may have already begun, since neither the S.E.C. nor Andersen, 
when queried late this week, could say just when Mr. Pitt was in the 
accounting firm's employ.  

Whom can the country turn to for an honest investigation? Democrats and 
Republicans alike are so beholden to accounting-industry money that they 
scuttled an attempt by Arthur Levitt, the former S.E.C. head, to regulate 
conflicts of interest in companies like Andersen two years ago. "If ever there 
was a case for a special counsel, this is it," says Governor Richards, but that 
idea certainly has no takers in Mr. Ashcroft's Justice Department or among 
grandstanding Democrats. "We haven't come anywhere close to that point 
yet," said Mr. Lieberman, never one to surrender a spotlight without a 
struggle.  

A top aide to Henry Waxman, another Democratic inquisitor, has called the 
Enron scandal "the perfect storm," and a storm this perfect is certain to 
muddy Democrats as well. Enron has arisen like the ghost of over-the-top 
Christmases past, as a jolting throwback to the untethered America of the 
dot-com bubble. The greed of its perpetrators, and of the enabling politicians 
of both parties who took their cut before the wipeout, looks even uglier 
against the stark backdrop of those less well- connected Americans who are 
fighting our war.  

------------------------ 
"In little more than a year we have gone from enjoying peace and the most
prosperous economy in our history, to a nation plunged into war, recession
and fear. This is a nation being transformed before our very eyes."

http://www.truthout.com

Steve Wingate, Webmaster
ANOMALOUS IMAGES AND UFO FILES
http://www.anomalous-images.com


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