- an analysis of Black Bloc tactics world-wide, and in Vancouver, Canada,
specifically...
The "black bloc" tactic is an organizing method used by revolutionary
groups in mass movements against capitalism and capitalist institutions.
The term "black bloc" refers to a large group that forms with all
individuals dressed in black, with masks, gloves and other protective
equipment. The black uniform colour is used to make it near-impossible for
police, corporate security, or fascists from distinguishing between
individual members of a black bloc or identifying persons for later
criminal charges.
The colour is also a visual symbol of negation, anarchism, anti-capitalism,
and movements of oppressed peoples and so serves as a unifying point for
those who identify with these concepts and struggles. The colour and visual
impact also has a psychological effect on opposed forces (police, fascists,
etc.), and conveys a spirit of militancy and purpose to uninvolved
bystanders or other groups involved in a demonstration.
Masks and other protective equipment defends against tear gas, pepper-spray
and other attacks. Banners and shields are sometimes used to keep the group
together and to keep undercover or uniformed police out.
The black bloc is comprised of affinity groups, small groups of 4 to 8
militants who are familiar with each other and act as a unit in
coordination with other affinity groups within the larger bloc formation.
The black bloc tactic is used as part of a strategy based on direct
conflict with the forces of oppression (police, corporate businesses.
etc.), rather than the typical symbolic displays of dissent usually
associated with political protest. In the context of class war, those who
engage in black bloc formations see themselves as combatants who must
actively attack the institutions of capitalism, while defending themselves,
their comrades, and their communities. Many black bloc participants
understand the necessity of gaining real life experience in confrontational
situations, and the empowering feeling that is generated by acts of
rebellion and effective direct actions.
- A Brief Outline of Some Efforts Towards The Destruction Of The Economy -
- The Birth Of The Black Bloc -
During the Sixties, poor Black Americans rose up in revolt and major riots
in cities across the United States became insurgent uprisings. In Watts and
then Detroit the military was called in to finally suppress a struggle that
police forces were powerless to contain.
In 1968 cities around the world exploded.
In Paris the world witnessed the first wildcat general strike in history.
Workers occupied factories all over France, barricaded themselves inside,
raised a red or black flag, and declared their commitment to revolutionary
struggle. In the streets of Paris an insurrection had taken place, as
students, workers, and the blousons noirs (black hoodies; the urban street
youth branded as criminals by mainstream society) barricaded the streets
and battled police. Police stations were attacked and burned. Universities
and theatres were occupied and used for general assemblies of insurgents.
Police repression was brutal and merciless.
In Mexico City student protesters were slaughtered by cops. In Tokyo,
Japan, the Zengakuren (a revolutionary student federation) armed themselves
with lances, suited themselves with helmets and masks and fought the police
furiously.
In Italy, during the "hot summer" of 1969 the struggle reached a new level
as students and workers created a movement that came to be called
"Autonomy". Workers formed revolutionary councils in place of trade unions
and took direct action and sabotage to new levels on the shop floors and
assembly lines. Students clashed with police in the streets. The
Autonomists launched a campaign of "price setting" by stealing and looting
from supermarkets and stores and using public transportation without
paying. Empty buildings were squatted and converted into community social
centres.
Throughout the Seventies the Autonomist movement spread throughout Europe,
particularly in Germany, the Netherlands, France, and Italy.
Anti-imperialist struggles, squatting, and anti-fascist organizing were at
the heart of the movement, and it was here that the black bloc tactic first
took form.
In Germany and the Netherlands entire city blocks were squatted and black
blocs with thousands of participants effectively defended squats from
invading riot police. The movement was so powerful that city governments
were forced to concede legal squatters rights.
With the eruption of the anti-globalization movement since June 18 and the
anti-WTO protests of 1999, black blocs have surged in strength and numbers
at demonstrations around the world. Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien
commented on the black bloc against the G8 in Genoa (directly after the
rebellion in Quebec City against the FTAA) by declaring "If the anarchists
want to destroy democracy we will not let them succeed."
- Black Blocs In Our Backyard : Insurgency In Vancouver And Across Canada -
With the formation of an Anti-Racist Action chapter in Toronto in the early
Nineties, the first black blocs appeared on the Canadian radical scene.
Toronto fascists were confronted in the streets, and sometimes even in
their homes, by large black bloc contingents of militant youth. Clashes
with the police were an inevitable consequence.
During the mid-Nineties rotating general strikes across Ontario known as
the "Days Of Action", a large black bloc formed on the streets of Toronto
as part of a mass demonstration and attempted to rush into the stock
exchange with black flags flying. Union marshals prevented the action.
Black blocs in Montreal became a common occurrence.
Black blocs have been part of many recent major demonstrations in Canada.
On June 15, 2000, the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) march on
Queen's Park was accompanied by a black bloc that threw a Molotov firebomb
at the legislature building, tore apart the sidewalk for projectiles and
clashed with police.
On April 20-21, 2001 black blocs in Quebec City tore down a security fence,
delayed the opening of the FTAA summit, exposed Jean Chretien and George W.
Bush to tear gas, and fought riot cops with rocks and Molotov firebombs to
the applause of Quebec City locals.
The Ontario Common Front snake march through Toronto's financial district
on October 16, 2001, saw black blocers drag newspaper boxes into the street
to block traffic and spray-paint anti-capitalist slogans on walls.
At anti-G20 demonstrations in Ottawa in November, 2001, black-clad
anti-capitalists smashed a McDonalds window, tore down police barricades
and threw them at riot police.
Black blocs were also part of anti-G8 marches in Calgary and Ottawa, summer
2002. Before the summit CSIS branded anarchists and black blocs as the
number 1 threat to national security!
In Vancouver, 1900, the Frances Street squatters masked-up, wore motorcycle
helmets and raised 6-foot-high barricades in the street. After being
evicted by hundreds of riot cops and tactical teams with guns, BC
Federation of Labour delegates pledged their support to the squatters and
denounced the police action.
At anti-APEC demonstrations, late-Nineties, a black bloc marched through
the streets of Vancouver and scuffled with cops.
At May Day demonstrations in Vancouver, 2000 and 2002, black blocers took
part. At the end of the 2002 May Day demonstration the black bloc tore
through Pacific Centre Mall, engaged in small acts of sabotage, and were
later denounced publicly by the Anti-Poverty Committee and Communist Party
of Vancouver.
- Class War, Movement Building, Militant Tactics, and Alienation - -
Deception Versus Reality -
By now the claims made against the use of black bloc tactics by activists
involved in social struggles are well known.
The most common are that black bloc tactics are alienating to working class
people, that they provoke police repression, that they act contrary to mass
movement building, or that they just represent non-political hooliganism.
I maintain that all of these claims are false.
Black bloc tactics developed out of and in response to mass movements for
revolutionary social change. The tactic is designed specifically for use at
mass demonstrations, and without the huge support consistently offered by
non-black bloc participants the militants using the tactic would be easily
isolated and contained by the authorities. The whole history of class
struggle shows that oppressed people are the motor of revolution and that
riots and insurgency are the tactics of choice for making revolution. These
tactics have developed as a means to counter the political forces of
oppression, the institutions of Capital and State. The claim that black
blocs are alienating to the public depends on deception, the intentional
disregard for the innumerable instances in which "ordinary" people have
shown support for black blocs, and a delusional concept of a homogenous
working class with a common consciousness. The use of masks is not limited
to anarchists and black blocs. A recent pamphlet on demonstrations produced
by the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) advises the wearing of
masks as an option for evading identification. The Native Youth Movement
and indigenous warrior societies of Canada are probably the most
well-recognized groups to wear masks as part of their militant resistance.
The Canadian government has deemed black blocers to be the primary threat
to their own political dominance. Whether they have done this publicly as a
fear-mongering, and the level of exaggeration involved is up for
speculation, but these factors certainly point out that black blocs are
considered to be serious social forces with real power; the power to send
world leaders running to the hills of Kananaskis!
The claim that black blocs are somehow responsible for police repression is
scandalous. Only the police and their commanders are responsible for the
actions that they consciously take. Acts of rebellion always invite a
response, as those with political power are not prepared to relinquish
their dominance voluntarily. The very presence of institutional repression,
massive police forces and prisons, should point out the forms of political
organization and the political ideologies of the ruling class. In the
military context we find ourselves unwillingly within we cannot limit
ourselves in the use of force to achieve our goal of social freedom.
In a war against oppression a spirit of revolt must be promoted in order
for any significant revolutionary outlet to develop. Passivity,
resignation, restraint, and bourgeois morality must be thrown in the
garbage bin to which they belong. Our power lies in our capacity to rebel,
our determination, our passion for liberation.
As insurrectionary anarchists we aim to engage in class conflict, rather
than to simply theorize about it, or to manoeuvre to gain power as
institutional managers of the struggle. We act for ourselves, against our
own oppression, in solidarity with all the oppressed peoples of the world.
We understand the psychological empowerment that can only be experienced by
active resistance. We reject the activist attitude of placid acceptance and
defeatism, and replace it with an insurgent mind-set.
We know that we cannot neglect any of the tools at our disposal, whether
they present themselves as a propaganda pamphlet or a sling and a rock.
We are not just victims in the confrontation with the State, we can also act!
Insurgent-S Insurrectionary Anarchists of the Coast Salish Territories
(Vancouver)
Link: http://www.geocities.com/insurrectionary_anarchists
http://www.infoshop.org/inews/stories.php?story=03/01/01/5401546
