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From: "Mises Daily Article" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "Mises Daily Article" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Costs of the Surveillance State
Date: Wed, 27 Aug 2003 09:58:40 -0500

<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300>http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300
 
Costs of the Surveillance State

by Erich Mattei

[Posted August 27, 2003]

 Police departments around the nation have begun utilizing high-tech video 
surveillance in their fight against crime, as the private sector has for many years. 
Officials in New Orleans recently announced that by October the city plans to have 
installed 100 of these surveillance cameras within its limits. The plan, which will 
eventually see the installation of 1,000 cameras throughout the city, is part of an 
effort to further combat crime in certain "hot 
spots."<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300#_ftn1>[1]

New Orleans Police Department spokesman Sgt. Paul Accardo said that in July alone 
suspects in two separate slayings were captured thanks to the footage caught on 
surveillance. The city is now one of more than a dozen cities around the nation that 
are using surveillance to deter crime and identify criminals.

The implementation of public video surveillance is a direct result of the 
inefficiencies of state law enforcement. As a result, instead of loosening regulations 
and allowing individuals to purchase protection for themselves from private agencies, 
the state is attempting to account for its own incompetence. (This issue has followed 
the same path as the evolution of the housing crisis of past decades, whereby state 
imposed rent control and standards created a shortage of affordable housing, which the 
state attempted to account for with the creation of subsidized 
housing.<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300#_ftn2>[2])   Of the many 
absurd features of the adoption of public video surveillance, there are three notable 
injustices that will arise.

First, how will government decide where the cameras will be placed?  Obviously the 
purpose of the tactic is to aid the ineffectual law enforcement in high crime areas, 
but whose property will be in the eye of the lens?  Clearly, this is just another 
instance of subsidization, some benefit at the expense of others.

Secondly, which of the state's personnel will view the footage and judge how such 
footage can be used?  Further, who is to determine the legitimacy or conclusiveness of 
evidence caught on tape?  Could someone smoking a cigarette be accused of smoking 
dope, or could someone sipping a milkshake in their car be accused of drinking and 
driving?

Finally, who or what will set limits on the usage of the cameras?  When will usage go 
too far?  What ludicrous, illegitimate new laws condemning victimless crimes will be 
passed for individuals to uphold once personal activities on private property have 
been publicized?  These chief issues surrounding the implementation of public 
surveillance merely scratch the surface into what such measures would certainly bring 
about.

Although it is difficult for many to admit, public law enforcement is characterized by 
the same traits that are exhibited in all government provided goods and services. 
Likewise, the recent trend within the sector provides a perfect example of the 
injustices and inefficiencies of such programs. Analysis of the current crime 
situation plaguing cities around the nation reveals the irony of state-run defense. By 
monopolizing law enforcement, the state has taken up the responsibility of protecting 
everyone within its borders, and the certain failures guaranteed by such measures have 
manifested themselves.

A primary reason for these shortcomings is the shortage of law enforcement services. 
In providing a "free" 
service<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300#_ftn3>[3] such as police and 
courts, the state has essentially fixed the price of protection below the market price 
thus setting the demand for such services far beyond supply. Additionally, in 
regulating private police and security agencies to the point where an array of 
justified measures have been simply outlawed, the state is the only source of legal 
defense. Being that individuals seeking defense have no other legal means of 
protection than the state, what incentive does the state have to operate efficiently? 
Since the service is already funded by the taxes, and individuals cannot patronize 
another defender, the state can thoughtlessly surf its monopoly wave.

What, then, is the most efficient, just solution?  As is the case with every good and 
service that constitute the economy, freedom. Unregulated markets are characterized by 
the tendency of resources to move toward their most efficient, most demanded uses; 
hence defense services would naturally shift to traditionally high-crime areas, 
creating competition and overall lower prices. Free market law enforcement would 
operate as insurance does, save for the current regulations on that industry. 
Individuals would purchase defense services, if they so desired, on a subscription 
basis paying premiums as stipulated in contract.

Different levels of coverage would exist so as to best satisfy the demands of the 
consumer. Through competition, inefficient and corrupt bandit agencies, like some 
current police forces around the nation, would undoubtedly find themselves bankrupt as 
the proficient, just agencies best satisfy individuals' needs. It would be likely that 
group services would become widespread whereby individuals living in the same 
community would pool their funds to purchase defense for the group as a whole. 
Likewise, if individuals felt as though they could defend themselves, without aid, the 
option is theirs.

No one can deny the fact that public law enforcement falls short of being a success. 
However, many believe that the solution is giving more entitlement to the state to 
allocate funds for improvements, such as the installation of surveillance cameras. 
Society has come to allow government too much clout, entrusting it with too many 
responsibilities, granting it an abundance of control. When individuals face 
tribulations or the status of the economy is in shambles, people see the state as the 
source of salvation instead of the source of the problem.



 

Erich Mattei is an economics major at Loyola University of New Orleans. <mailto:[EMAIL 
PROTECTED]>[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
<http://www.mises.org/articles.asp?mode=a&author=Mattei>See his archive.

<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300#_ftnref1>[1] The Times-Picayune. 
Saturday, August 9, 2003. A1, A7.

<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300#_ftnref2>[2] See Block, Walter, & 
Edgar Olsen. Rent Control: Myths and Realities. The Fraser Institute. Vancouver, 
British Columbia: 1981.

<http://www.mises.org/fullstory.asp?control=1300#_ftnref3>[3] Obviously these services 
are not free being that they are funded by plunder, i.e. taxes. See Rothbard, Murray. 
Power and Market. 2nd Edition. Sheed Andrews and McMeel, Inc. Kansas City: 1977. 1734.

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