July 11
SINGAPORE:
Alleged drug kingpin nabbed during CNB
5 suspected drug offenders, including the alleged leader of a drug syndicate,
were arrested yesterday in an operation by the Central Narcotics Bureau (CNB).
CNB officers also seized 2.31kg of heroin with an estimated street value of
more than $160,000.
Early yesterday morning, 2 Singaporean men, aged 45 and 51, were arrested after
they retrieved a plastic bag containing the drugs from a trash bin in Queen
Street.
The bag was placed there by a suspected drug courier, a 43-year-old Malaysian
man who rode a motorcycle. The man was later arrested at his workplace in
Penjuru Road.
Following investigations, the suspected syndicate leader, a 44-year-old
Singaporean man, was arrested in North Bridge Road.Another alleged accomplice
was nabbed at the Woodlands Checkpoint while he was trying to leave Singapore
in a lorry.
Investigations are ongoing. If convicted, the 5 men could face the death
penalty.
(source: asiaone.com)
INDONESIA:
Indonesia's President Joko Widodo losing political support after 9 months
Joko Widodo's supporters took to the streets this time last year to celebrate
his victory in Indonesia's presidential election. Hailed as the people's
president, his win in the polls was seen to signal a new chapter for Indonesian
democracy. The former furniture salesman and small-town mayor who insisted on
being called by his nickname, "Jokowi", represented a break from the stronghold
of elite and military circles over the nation's highest position of power.
One year on, and the president has developed a very different reputation, both
at home in Indonesia and internationally. Social media users in the world's
most active Twitter-using country have in recent weeks adopted the trending
hashtag #SudahlahJokowi (Enough already, Jokowi) to express their
disillusionment with their president. Relations with Australia have hit a new
low, with an Australian ambassador being recalled from Indonesia for the 1st
time. Meanwhile the Australian public's feelings toward Indonesia have cooled
to the lowest point in 8 years, according to the latest Lowy Institute Poll.
Jokowi's honeymoon period is well and truly over. As he was officially
inaugurated in October last year, the president is now only nine months in to a
five-year term. He may have outstripped elite and military figures during
election season, but Jokowi is now struggling to take control of the presidency
without the full support of his party and coalition. His attempts to regain the
people's support, such as by showing decisiveness on pursuing the death penalty
for drug smugglers, have cost the president credibility among human rights
supporters and international observers.
So what went wrong for Jokowi since this time last year? And what will it mean
moving forward for Indonesia, and for Australia-Indonesia relations?
Domestically, Jokowi's biggest challenge is getting out from under the thumb of
Megawati Sukarnoputri, his party leader. The Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI-P), founded by Megawati, is the political machine that picked out
Jokowi as the popular mayor of his hometown in Central Java and supported his
rise to become governor of the capital - and then president of the country. At
a party congress in Bali in April, Megawati gave a speech that indirectly
reminded Jokowi of his origins, and advised that he toe the party line. Jokowi
himself was not invited to speak at the congress.
The Indonesian public is well aware of this dynamic. As the incoming president,
Jokowi made a show of filling his cabinet based on the new ministers'
credentials rather than political affiliations - though a few appointments were
still criticised as being politically motivated, including the appointment of
Megawati's daughter Puan Maharani as minister for human resource development
and cultural affairs.
Meanwhile, when it came to nominating a new National Police chief in January,
Jokowi chose Budi Gunawan, a close friend of Megawati's. The Corruption
Eradication Commission (KPK) advised against the appointment due to outstanding
graft allegations while the parliament, and the president's party, backed it.
Jokowi was caught between toeing the party line and siding with the KPK, backed
by the volunteer support base that carried his presidential campaign.
Instead, Jokowi took a back seat as the drama unfolded. The police retaliated
against the KPK by levelling charges against its top investigators. The
country's most trusted anti-corruption body appeared on the brink of collapse.
The military moved to secure the KPK, reigniting tension between the police and
the armed forces. Finally, Jokowi dropped Gunawan's nomination for police chief
- only to see him quietly inaugurated as deputy police chief in April.
By the end of January, a poll by the Indonesia Survey Circle (LSI) showed that
54 % of respondents were dissatisfied with Jokowi's performance as president. A
poll by Puspol Indonesia in February showed dissatisfaction as high as 74.6 %.
No direct link can be made between Jokowi's weakening position and his decision
to go ahead with the execution of death row drug smugglers in January and in
April. The president had already signed the execution papers last December, a
time when he was still enjoying relatively high popularity ratings. From the
beginning his public statements showed no sign that he would change his mind on
the issue. However, the timing of the executions does suggest a political
motivation to show his strength and decisiveness as a leader, and to recover
public support.
Haris Azhar, coordinator of the non-governmental Commission for Missing Persons
and Victims of Violence (KontraS), says that anti-death penalty activists in
Indonesia are fighting an uphill battle. He says that those who campaign
against capital punishment are labelled as "friends of drug dealers" and are
bullied by online commentators. He is disappointed by what he sees as Jokowi's
departure from a stated commitment to human rights.
"For me, it's very clear that he [Jokowi] does not care and does not understand
human rights," he commented via email in February. "Politically, the executions
would show that he has commitment [to] law enforcement, and silently he
believes it will improve his popularity," he added.
Capital punishment has strong mainstream support in Indonesia. In a legal
system where convicted criminals routinely "buy" their way into better cells or
out of imprisonment altogether, the death penalty is seen as a strong deterrent
and final punishment. The decision by former president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
to grant clemency to Australian drug smuggler Schapelle Corby was highly
unpopular in Indonesia, seen as a case of special treatment given on the basis
of nationality. By enforcing the death penalty for drug smugglers, and
particularly for foreign drug smugglers, it is likely that Jokowi sought to
distinguish himself from his predecessor and show his commitment to firm and
fair law enforcement.
Unfortunately for Jokowi, this attempt to appeal for public support lost him a
great deal of international support. United Nations Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon expressed regret over the executions, and urged a return to the
moratorium introduced by Yudhoyono. Brazil and the Netherlands both withdrew
ambassadors following the first round of executions in January. France and the
Philippines objected to their citizens' scheduled executions in April, which
did not eventuate due to ongoing investigations and appeals. In response to the
executions of Australians Andrew Chan and Myuran Sukumaran in April, Australia
for the 1st time withdrew its ambassador from Jakarta, the country's biggest
overseas diplomatic post.
These developments signal a very different Australia-Indonesia relationship
under Jokowi to the one experienced under Yudhoyono for the past 10 years.
While all sides of Australian politics agree on the importance of a strong
relationship with Indonesia, and in fact argue over which side is doing a
better job of maintaining the relationship, the same cannot be said of the
various factions in Indonesian politics. Despite some rocky moments with
Australia during his term, Yudhoyono was an outward-looking statesman with a
sincere interest in developing stronger ties with Australia. By contrast,
Jokowi is inward-looking and reluctant to participate in international affairs.
"Jokowi is not particularly interested in Australia," says Ken Ward, a former
government Indonesia analyst who is due to launch a book via the Lowy Institute
this month on the Australia-Indonesia relationship. "He's not hostile towards
Australia, but he does appear indifferent."
In a telephone interview, Ward pointed out that in public speeches Jokowi tends
to mention an ambition for Indonesia to be seen as a world power on par with
China and the United States. A role for Australia as a powerful regional
neighbour does not feature in this worldview, Ward noted.
On Australia's part, a hardline approach to asylum seekers and frequent
diplomatic gaffes have harmed the stated goal of a stronger relationship with
Indonesia. Lasting damage was done by Prime Minister Tony Abbott's comments
linking Australia's contribution to the 2004 Aceh tsunami recovery efforts and
the government's request for clemency for Chan and Sukumaran. The implication
of a diplomatic debt seen as equating the lives of 130,000 Acehnese with those
of two Australians sparked public outrage and a viral campaign in Indonesia to
return the debt in the form of "Coins for Australia".
Australia's refusal to resettle Rohingya refugees has also had a poor reception
in Indonesia, as the country that took the lead in Southeast Asia for handling
the boat crisis in May. An aggressive border protection policy by Australia
continues to rankle Indonesia, particularly in relation to border incursions
into Indonesian waters and allegations of bribery by Australian authorities for
people-smugglers to return to Indonesia.
It's early stages yet for Jokowi to forge stronger ties with Australia and
fulfil domestic expectations of strengthening Indonesia's democratic
institutions and improving the country's human rights record. However, the
president's performance in the first year since he was elected shows that the
bulk of this work still lies ahead.
(source: Catriona Croft-Cusworth is a Jakarta-based correspondent for the Lowy
Interpreter, lowyinterpreter.org.----Brisbane times)
NIGERIA:
WFAD Is Against Death Penalty For Drugs Offences, Says General Secretary
The Word Federation Against Drugs (WFAD), Stockholm, Sweden, General Secretary,
Linda Nilsson has said that WFAD is against death penalty for drug related
offences, but big countries are using their power to make it difficult to get
the resolution against death penalty to scale through in the United Nations
(UN).
Speaking in Lagos during the 1st West African Forum On Dugs (WAFOD) themed:
Mainstreaming Health and Child-Right Concerns in Substance Abuse Policy,
Planning and Programming in West Africa,??? organised by People Against Drug
Dependence and Ignorance (PADDI Foundation) with the support of WAFD, Nilsson
said that every tribe should be open and fair to people with drug related
offences.
"Death penalty should be out of it. The Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) all
agree, that countries should try to put an end to death penalty. We always put
in strong recommendations for those countries to stop death penalty."
She said that one of the ways out of death penalty is to galvanize public
opinions against death penalty in those countries practicing it.
"Instead of death penalty they could sentence those found guilty to prisons
which is much better than killing them in my own opinion."
She said that CSOs should do their own part and the government should play
their own roles against drug.
"We need a holistic balance approach. One person can't do everything. We need
to cooperate. Cooperation is the best way to move forward. Educating teachers
and the youths and parents to put an end to drug abuse."
Director Drugs Demand Reduction Department of the National Drug Law Enforcement
Agency (NDLEA), Baba Hussaini said that the CSOs should not wait for the
government to do everything for them.
"People should support the effort of the government without necessarily asking
for financial support from them," he said.
An Assistant Comptroller of Nigerian Immigration Service, Mannir Yari who
represented the Comptroller of Immigration, Lagos State Command said that there
is the need for more sensitising and advocacy on drug abuse.
"There is the need to sensitise the youths. If we can catch them young like
many of the speakers had spoken. We can prevent drug abuse in Nigeria."
Professor of Radiology, College of Medicine, University of Nigeria Nsukka,
Ifeoma Okoye said that death penalty ought not to have been meted out to the
vulrerable and innocent ones that drug barons usually take advantage of.
"Sometimes they don???t know they are carrying drugs. Atimes they made them to
swallow it. Addict should be treated as those who have diseases."
(source: The Guardian)
INDIA:
UP number 1 in awarding death penaltie
Bihar stood 2nd at 178, followed by MP at 162 and Maharashtra at 160.
That Maharashtra was among the top four states that included some of the
country's most economically deprived states with poor governance records is a
bit of a surprise, says Venkatesh Nayak of CHRI. "The death penalty is in stark
contrast with the philosophy of human rights. The state cannot give itself the
power to take away a person's life. That amounts to legitimising murder," says
Nayak.
The report points to the fact that India is amongst the few countries that has
retained capital punishment.
Between 1998 and 2013, 2,052 people were awarded capital punishment in India,
an average of 128 a year. However, during this 16-year period, only three
people were actually executed, one each in Maharashtra, West Bengal and Delhi.
"Those who have been executed are dead and gone, whereas the suffering is far
worse for those who are on the death row and have not been pardoned. They live
with a Damocles sword hanging over their heads. Every moment is uncertain for
them; the order for their execution could come any moment, while they're asleep
or awake. It is not fair for any human being to be put through such torture. Is
the purpose of punishment retribution or reform? Is it society's collective
desire for revenge?" asks Nayak.
He points out that the system of jurisprudence itself is uneven on such
matters. "In some cases, the circumstances of the murderer and the crime are
looked into. At other times, only the circumstances of the crime are looked
into," he adds.
The highest number of death sentences in a given year, 186, were handed down in
2007. The least number of death sentences, 55, were awarded in 1998. Over 1,600
death penalties were awarded in the first 13 years of the new millennium.
Interestingly, 4,497 death sentences were commuted to life imprisonment during
these 13 years.
The North-East accounts for the least number of death sentences. Assam
accounted for the largest proportion of death penalties awarded by the
North-Eastern states.
"It is also interesting to note that the states which have a long history of
conflict between government forces and militant groups have not seen any kind
of spurt in the number of death sentences being awarded," says the report.
(source: The Times of India)
_______________________________________________
A service courtesy of Washburn University School of Law www.washburnlaw.edu
DeathPenalty mailing list
DeathPenalty@lists.washlaw.edu
http://lists.washlaw.edu/mailman/listinfo/deathpenalty
Unsubscribe: http://lists.washlaw.edu/mailman/options/deathpenalty
