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see, Monsieur le Cure, it is because we have known very hard times that
leaving Mr. Lincoln with his face still concealed.
the peasant's reply quite natural.
them. They played with them for a time, and then joined us with
with. Husband your strength, my child,--your sovereign, your religion,
terrible dowdy look. Only that does not signify when you are not
So soon as it was known that the President would not sign the bill, a vehement cry of wrath broke from all its more ardent friends.
H.W. Davis and B.F. Wade, combative men, and leaders in their party, who expected their opinion to be respected, published in the New
York "Tribune" an address "To the Supporters of the Government." In unbridled language they charged
"encroachments of the executive on the authority of Congress." They even impugned the honesty of the President's purpose in
words of direct personal insult; for they said: "The President, by preventing 235 this bill from becoming a law, holds the
electoral votes of the rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition.... If electors for president be allowed to be chosen in
either of those States [Louisiana or Arkansas], a sinister light will be cast on [his] motives." They alleged that "a more
studied outrage on the legislative authority of the people has never been perpetrated." They stigmatized this "rash and
fatal a
ct" as "a blow at the friends of the administration, at the rights of humanity, and at the principles of
republican government." They warned Mr. Lincoln that, if he wished the support of Congress, he must
"confine himself to his executive duties,�to obey and execute, not make the laws; to suppress by arms armed
rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Congress." If they really meant what they said, or any
considerable part of it, they would have been obliged to vote "Guilty" had the House of Representatives
seen fit to put these newspaper charges of theirs into the formal shape of articles of impeachment against the
President.
The absence of the secretary of war from these meetings was due to the fact that a change in the War Department was in process contemporaneously with them. The President had been allowed to understand that Mr. Cameron did not find his duties agreeable, and might prefer a diplomatic post. Accordingly, with no show of reluctance, Mr. Lincoln, on January 11, 1862, offered to Mr. Cameron the post of minister to Russia. It was promptly accepted, and on January 13 Edwin M. Stanton was nominated and confirmed to fill the vacancy.[159] The selection was a striking instance of the utter absence of vindictiveness which so distinguished Mr. Lincoln, who, in fact, was simply insensible to personal feeling as an influence. In choosing incumbents for public trusts, he knew no foe, perhaps no friend; but as dispassionately as if he were manoeuvring pieces on a chessboard, he considered only which available piece would serve best in the square which he had to fill. In 1859 he and Stanton had met as
associate counsel in perhaps the most important lawsuit in which Mr. Lincoln had ever been concerned, and Stanton had treated Lincoln with his habitual insolence.[160] 327 Later, in the trying months which closed the year 1861, Stanton had abused the administration with violence, and had carried his revilings of the President even to the point of coarse personal insults.[161] No man, not being a rebel, had less right to expect an invitation to become an adviser of the President; and most men, who had felt or expressed the opinions held by Mr. Stanton, would have had scruples or delicacy about coming into the close relationship of confidential adviser with the object of their contempt; but neither scruples nor delicacy delayed him; his acceptance was prompt.[162]
duty towards him. She had told him, with her pretty feminine
expectations Lord Colambre had formed, his lordship and his
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