Saya kok nggak percaya bahwa Abdurrachman Wahid akan
mendelegasikan (lama-lama) sebahagian kekuasaan ke Megawati.
Untuk menenangkan kritikan - yang tidak semuaya beralasan, tapi
itu tugas anggota legislatif, dan terserah ke eksekutif untuk
menampiknya - dia akan memberikan kesan bahwa Megawatilah mulai
saat ini yang melakukan sesuatu, hingga orang mulai sebel dengan
Megawati yang bisanya cuma senyum-senyum dan tidur siang itu.
Lalu dia akan mulai ngoceh segala macam lagi, bikin kesalahan
demi kesalahan.
Saya baru akan melihat ada kemajuan bila Abdurrachanwahid dalam
rangka resuffle mengirim Golkar atau partai Islam lain
jelas-jelas ke bangku oposisi - kecuali Partai Keadilan, karena
partai ini kudu diberi kesempatan berbagi kekuasaan -.
Dengan demikian mekanisme demokratik bisa lebih berfungsi
Mendelegasikan kekuasaan kepada Megawati lonte serdadu yang isi
otaknya kebanyakan air ciliwung doang sunguh bukan pemecahan!
Jadi bukan langkah serius.
Atau: pendelegasian kekuasaan ini adalah cara terselubung untuk
memberi kekuasaan kepapa Agum Gumilar dan serdadu lain untuk
kembali memegang kekausaan yang riil.
To: undisclosed-recipients:;
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date sent: Wed, 9 Aug 2000 18:04:39 EDT
Send reply to: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [reformasitotal] Wimar Witoelar: Gus Dur revives
hopes for reform and recovery
> Jakarta Post
> August 10, 2000
>
> Editorial and Opinion
>
> Gus Dur revives hopes for reform and recovery
>
> We can hope for a better cabinet if the President reduces his role in
> domestic affairs, writes Wimar Witoelar, chief editor of Indonesian Business
> and a public affairs commentator.
>
> JAKARTA (JP): One of the major promises Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus Dur, gave
> in his MPR progress report is that he would concentrate on foreign policy and
> assign someone else to take care of domestic affairs. That sounds like sweet
> music; back in June I wrote in this newspaper that Gus Dur's recommended new
> role is not new in our history.
>
> Sukarno played it, the role of national leader who delegates domestic matters
> to his government. The essence is delegation of detail to a competent
> cabinet. In areas where the president has little interest and less
> experience, such as economic management and planning, turn to a strong
> unified team.
>
> In areas where he has core competence such as human rights and social policy,
> he can enrich the nation. Richard Nixon started out as a good President; his
> strength was foreign policy, while domestic policy was run by the cabinet and
> coordinated by the White House staff.
>
> We can build a control mechanism to prevent the buildup of a Haldeman-
> Ehrlichman machine, and rules and regulations can be formulated to create an
> effective First Ministry to run the day-to-day management of the government.
>
> Some have already opposed the idea of a First Ministry. These include leaders
> of Golkar and the United Development Party, because it is not in their
> interest to have a strong government. Some responsible dissenters say the
> arrangement is in conflict with the constitution.
>
> I don't believe so. But we have a constitutional expert in Marsilam
> Simandjuntak (Cabinet Secretary) who can safeguard the legal ramifications.
> More importantly, we should rally public opinion around the concept of
> differentiating the roles of the President and the Vice President on the one
> hand, and a technocratic cabinet on the other.
>
> It is the best hope we have for an effective government which will strengthen
> its peacekeeping role in the provinces and provide a business climate of less
> uncertainty.
>
> The formation of a strong cabinet would be a fitting finale to the
> President's elegant overture at the Annual Session of the People's
> Consultative Assembly (MPR). Combining modest apology and firm proposals to
> do things better, the speech elevated public discourse, providing direction
> for the rest of the presidential term. This kind of statesmanship leaves some
> politicians with nobody to listen to their small grievances.
>
> The problem in the first 10 months of Abdurrahman's presidency had been both
> of one substance and perception. With the MPR address, Gus Dur showed himself
> to be responsive to public displeasure at his erratic ways. His public
> apology buys time to deliver better governance -- and encourages hope for a
> more rational government with his announcement that he will restructure and
> reshuffle his cabinet.
>
> The government got off to a bad start because of the circumstances of his
> election. Gus Dur, said Budiman Sudjatmiko, head of the People's Democratic
> Party (PRD), "is not a governing President but a hostage of a conspiracy
> between the axis force and Golkar, based on a platform of 'Anyone but
> Megawati'".
>
> The axis force coalition unraveled, as personal ambitions overshadowed common
> interests. It had all but disappeared by the second semester of Gus Dur's
> presidency, leaving behind some politicians who threw daily criticism at the
> government like pub regulars throw darts every evening.
>
> The need for an effective democracy was forgotten as politicians used their
> freedom in wasteful directions.
>
> The intense politicization of public watch on the government obscured some
> important facts. Abdurrahman's presidency managed some important achievements
> in the first 10 months. The immediate dangers of disintegration were somehow
> overcome as the government applied reconciliatory methods in Aceh and West
> Papua.
>
> But the main problem in Maluku is that the violence is actively provoked by
> clandestine hard-line military forces seeking to destabilize our fledgling
> democracy. Against the money and the networks of the renegade hard-liners,
> the new Indonesian Military has had difficulty keeping control.
>
> Another major achievement of Abdurrahman's administration is demilitarization
> of society, sending the military into its biggest soul- searching period
> ever. The next phase of military reform -- rebuilding a new military along
> more professional lines -- has yet to take place. But the message is loud and
> clear: the military should keep out of politics and business.
>
> Yet Gus Dur's government failed miserably to generate confidence in its
> economic management. How could it when the very government officials who are
> supposed to provide policy leadership prefer to protect and enhance their own
> positions?
>
> With 97 percent of central bank loans condemned as fraudulent, the entire
> banking system in intensive care and a total lack of trust in the legal
> system, economic management is an impossible job in the best of
> circumstances.
>
> With the culprits of the business scandals still holding important positions,
> the only hope is a totally resolute cabinet committed to reform. Now the Gus
> Dur formula of assigning a working cabinet revives hope in reform and
> recovery. The answer will be in the execution of policies.
>
> Politically things will still be fluid but stability may be more attainable
> with a better performing cabinet and a more assertive Gus Dur, no longer
> beholden to the axis force.
>
> Action against past and present collusion, corruption and nepotism should
> still be the major theme underpinning the government's credibility with the
> people.
>
> Can Gus Dur do it? We don't know. It's like my diet. I know what has to be
> done to lose weight, but it never happens.
>
> Breaking old, self-damaging habits requires discipline, total commitment and
> sacrifice. Gus Dur, we hope, is stronger than most of us.
>
>
>
> --------------------------------------------------------------------<e|-
> Get a NextCard Visa, in 30 seconds! Apply NOW!
> 1. Fill in the brief application
> 2. Enjoy a half minute of relaxation
> 3. Get rates as low as 2.9% Intro or 9.9% Ongoing APR and no annual fee!
> http://click.egroups.com/1/7876/8/_/774/_/965860402/
> --------------------------------------------------------------------|e>-
>
> SAPU BERSIH DWIFUNGSI TNI/POLRI, KKN & ORBAISME!
>
> ADILI PENANGGUNGJAWAB PELANGGARAN HAM DI ACEH, LAMPUNG, JAKARTA, AMBON, KUPANG,
>TIMTIM, IRIAN JAY
A!
Jusfiq Hadjar gelar Sutan Maradjo Lelo
=====================================
* Ijtihad untuk mencerdaskan ajaran Islam yang sekarang ini penuh ketololan,
kedunguan, kegoblokan dan kebodohan
* Ijtihad untuk memanusiawikan ajaran Islam yang sekarang ini biadab, keji dan nista
