At 06:25 AM 5/27/2005, James Gilmour wrote:
Those
steeped in social choice theory believe that the purpose of a voting system should be to maximise representation of consensus among the electors. But there is a much older view: that the purpose of a voting system should be to maximise
representation of the diversity among the electors.

Those two goals could support each other. However, many voting systems accomplish neither purpose.

The goals are compatible because the best way to ensure the widest consensus is to have as many players at the table as possible. You may increase meeting efficiency by excluding minority factions, but at the cost of potentially excluding them in deliberations toward consensus.

Proportional Representation, of course, advances the diversity position, but also is based on a party system. Unless, of course, voting becomes proportional rather than number of members. I.e., proxy representation. And Delegable Proxy makes the concentration of proxies into a council or working group almost automatic. The idea is to reduce meeting size to the ideal. What that ideal is, again, would depend on the nature of the organization.

One point to be realized is that a 20-member council with delegable proxy would be far more diverse than one with, say PR. This is because a few proxies would likely hold many votes, and thus proxy-holders with many fewer votes might still qualify for the council. In other words, a 20-member council would likely have members on it representing much less than 1% of the electorate. But I don't think we can predict the results.

Delegable Proxy could fail if introduced prematurely into a highly polarized election process, and where people have no expectation of being able to personally communicate with their proxy. What would happen here is that people would give their proxy to highly-visible, media-savvy candidates, who would then have great power. The problem is that we don't really know those people! This is why delegable proxy will work best when the direct proxy assignment scale is quite small. The exact number would vary with the nature of the organization, but in an active organization, with broad interest among its members, I'd think that twenty direct proxies might be about right. Then delegability allows proxies to be further concentrated without creating a big step, without breaking the personal links of trust that would make delegable proxy work.

Once again, this failure mode for Delegable Proxy is why I think it crucial to introduce it into Free Associations -- which can't, by design, be hijacked -- rather than into necessarily more stable institutions. If those FAs don't work, little will be lost, and the networking created will still be valuable.

(Free Association is a term which formalizes certain characteristics of ad-hoc peer organizations, common when they start, much less common, indeed rare, when they grow. Delegable Proxy theoretically makes it possible for Free Associations and Direct Democracy to scale, to become quite large without losing the freedom and full participation of direct democracy in young organizations.)


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