SNTV is not a very good multiwinner method, but it is proportional under strategy. It is also monotone, which is a property few multiwinner methods have. Thus, it may be useful to try to improve upon SNTV so as to fix its flaws, while retaining the useful monotonicity aspect. If we can manage to construct a truly proportional monotone method, that would be new, indeed.

What are the flaws of SNTV? There are two, mainly:

- First, it suffers from its own sort of vote-splitting problem. If a party with less than 1/x support fields more than seats/x candidates, it is at risk of losing seats because the votes are spread out too thin. In effect, this means candidate selection must be coordinated, which leads to centralized parties, which is not something we want.

- Second, all voters have to vote for the various candidates in equal order. If voters predominantly vote for a single of the party's candidates, the excess votes are lost and the party loses seats.

While I have not been able to find a solution to the first problem, I think I have found one for the second. I'll mention other solutions to the first, and how I don't think they would work (at least not without further research).

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My solution to the second problem requires a change of ballots, a cumulative vote version of SNTV if you will. Unlike plain cardinal ratings, the cumulative vote doesn't have the rich party effect that has been mentioned earlier.

First count the totals for all the candidates, then, using a divisor method, either directly (as Webster's) or indirectly (as by Sainte-Laguë), apportion as many seats as you want. If every candidate that has a nonzero count of seats has exactly one seat, you're done. This is what would happen if everybody were careful about spreading their votes.

However, if some candidate has more than one seat, there's a problem. What is the problem? Well, no candidate can occupy more than one seat (the "simple" solution of weighted votes notwithstanding). But now consider: if, say, candidate A has two seats out of three, what does that mean? It means that voters who voted for A should have the power to determine who gets the other seat.

Hence, we get to what I call diminuation factors. Each candidate has a diminuation factor which starts at 1 and is always greater than zero. How do the diminuation factors work? It's quite simple: before counting a cumulative ballot, first multiply each candidate's rating by its diminuation factor, then rescale the entire ballot so it has the same power as any other cumulative ballot within the system. Deweighting a candidate like this means the "power" granted to that candidate is redistributed to all the other candidates (by the renormalization process). In the case of a bullet vote, the renormalization will cancel out any deweighting, but that just means the excess power will flow to other voters for that candidate, through the form of a lesser diminuation factor.

Do the count - it's probably easier to do it indirectly (Sainte-Laguë) than directly - and then slightly decrease the diminuation factor of the candidates that got more than one seat, proportionally to how much more they got. That is, if there are 5 seats and one got 2, the other 3, deweight the former 1.5 times the latter. I'm not sure which function would modify the diminuation factors in the best way, so let's go with division - divide them by a number very close to 1.

Doing so might alter the divisor method's optimal divisor, which is why I say that doing it indirectly is probably easier. This is also the reason we only adjust the factors slightly: deweighting some candidate might lead another to get more than one seat.

There are also two ways to se the goal criterion for adjusting the diminuation factors. Say that candidate A has 2.4 seats according to the least divisor that gives the right rounded total number of seats. Then one may adjust the diminuation factor until A has some value < 1.5, or until A has exactly one seat. The latter is more "greedy" than the former, and I'm not sure about the implications - the former seems more right, but it may make voters regret their vote to a greater degree.

Let's show that again, as an example. Say the sums are:
        A: 730, B: 240, C: 200
Two seats. Then, when using Webster, the least integer divisor that leads to two seats is slightly above 480 (say 480.0001). The unrounded results are:
        A: 1.52, B: 0.499... C: 0.42
The greedy approach would be to adjust A's diminuation factor until his unrounded result is 0.5001 (possibly changing the least divisor in the process). The less greedy approach would stop somewhere below 1.5. The less greedy approach seems better, but I'm showing that there is an ambiguity here.

In terms of Sainte-Laguë, the less-greedy approach stops when no candidate gets more than one seat. I'm not sure how the greedy approach would work, so again, indirect seems better.

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What's the point of all that? Well, now the voters can rate the candidates however they want, because if one gets an excess, it's not wasted, but redistributed to other candidates. I haven't actually checked, but it appears to me that this modification also retains monotonicity, because increasing the power given to a candidate can't make that candidate lose. It can, however, make other candidates you preferred lose, because the other voters who like that candidate may give power to other candidates than those you like. In plain terms: if you're a right-wing voter and give more of your ballot to a specific left-wing candidate, then that will cause his diminuation factor to decrease, meaning that other left-wing voters get more power, possibly thwarting your right-wing candidates. But that shouldn't be of great concern because you already "thwarted" your right-wing candidates by moving power away from them over to the left-wing candidate.

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In any event, I think that solved the second problem. The first one remains, as one can construct examples where no deweighting ever occurs. For instance:

        67: A1 (10) A2 ( 8) A3 ( 8) B1 ( 1) B2 ( 1) B3 ( 0) power: 28
        33: A1  (1) A2 ( 1) A3 ( 0) B1 (10) B2 ( 8) B3 ( 8) power: 28

        sum: A1 (703) A2 (569) A3 (536) B1 (397) B2 (331) B3 (264)

For three seats, we'd reason that the majority would get two and the minority one. But that's not what happens. The divisor is 800, and:

        A1: 0.88, A2: 0.71, A3: 0.67, B1: 0.497, B2: 0.41, B3: 0.33

the three As get a seat each. If B had been just one candidate, his count would have been 992 and he would have got a seat (divisor 1080):

        A1: 0.65, A2: 0.53, A3: 0.496, B: 0.92.

I can see two solutions, but they have their own problems. The first is to use coalitions (like DAC and DSC), but it's not obvious how to do that for a cumulative vote, and even when ranked ballots are used, such methods (like Setwise Highest Average) can be nonmonotone.

One way to investigate these would be to set up constraints. For instance, if the ballot is
        10: A>B>C
        20: B>C>A
        24: C>B>A
and the coalitions are:
        54: A B C
        44: B C
        10: A B
        24: C
        20: B
        10: A

then the constraints would be
        pick at least round(54/x) from {A, B, C}
        pick at least round(44/x) from {B, C}
        pick at least round(10/x) from {A, B}
        pick at least round(24/x) from {C}
        pick at least round(20/x) from {B}
        pick at least round(10/x) from {A}

with x the minimum that doesn't produce a contradiction. Those constraints would then give a bunch of output sets - candidate councils that pass the constraints. While a multiwinner method can't elect a set of councils, if a way could be found to pick one of the set so that raising A can never cause the method to go from a set containing A to one not containing A, then the method might be monotone. On the other hand, if the constraints themselves can remove all sets containing A when the voter raises A (possibly due to a change of minimum x), then there's no way this kind of method can be monotone.

The second solution arises from observing that the problem with the cumulative vote SNTV is vote-splitting. Therefore, if only one candidate was "exposed" at a time, there would be no vote-splitting: there could never be votes spread too thin, only concentrated too heavily - in which case one would "expose" more candidates. That would lead to a solution similar to Meek's. As one starts, consider just the highest rated candidate. However, to do so could easily lead into good old nonmonotonicity city; it does so with Meek. Apparently there are ways of making IRV monotone, but at the cost of almost never electing the CW (http://www.mcdougall.org.uk/VM/ISSUE15/P2.HTM).
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