On Jul 8, 2010, at 1:28 AM, robert bristow-johnson wrote:

Sorry to be so wordy here. There are 3 different issues (the number of ranking levels and the value of ballot access criteria, procedure if Write-In wins, and visual effectiveness of the "pairwise defeats matrix") to respond to:

On Jul 7, 2010, at 9:56 PM, Dave Ketchum wrote:
On Jul 6, 2010, at 11:31 PM, robert bristow-johnson wrote:
On Jul 6, 2010, at 9:31 PM, Dave Ketchum wrote:

Ballots: Must support write-ins and, perhaps, 3 ranks (do not need to rank rejects and can do equal ranking).

i think that the number of ranking levels should be as large as the number of candidates (and there should be ballot access laws that make it difficult enough to get on the ballot that no more than maybe 5 candidates normally get on).

Making getting on the ballot unreasonably difficult affects who gets to run, unreasonably - lets don't.

there is a question about what is reasonable.

Sure - and debatable. I would expect strong arguments against a number as small as 5 being an absolute limit.

No real need for a ranking level for every candidate. Especially when there are many candidates voters will happily use some equal ranks and will not bother to rank those they see as not worth ranking.

well, one of the complaints of the anti-IRVers (that applied more to San Francisco and not to Burlington Vermont) was that, because the number of candidates was much larger than the number of ranks, then voters could not express a vote regarding every candidate. if the candidates that ended up leading the race (getting to the final and semi-final rounds) were not any that the voter ranked (due partly to the too few ranking levels), the claim was that this voter was "disenfranchised". i have her kill-filed, but i'm sure Kathy Dopp can fill you in on what this sentiment is all about. the funny thing is that, while this "feature" of IRV (in SF) was a major complaint of the IRV opponents, what the alternative offered (the return to the affirmative vote for a single candidate and FPTP and/ or delayed runoff) was even more so a "disenfranchisement" in that very same manner. it is equivalent to a ranked-order ballot but with only one ranking level deep.

I started this thread to promote understanding and use of Condorcet. A big part of that is understanding IRV's limitations.

That anti-IRVers complained about limits on ranking is only a detail - that IRV inspires voters to want to rank more is part of that debate.

also, sometimes a voter wants to bury a candidate. how does one vote negatively against a candidate when they cannot rank all the other candidates above that one? it's okay that all candidates not ranked by a particular voters are tied for last place on their ballots if that voter can lift all other candidates, not deemed the absolute worst, above that level.

Another IRV topic.

similarly to voter registration and ballot access to voters being a political question, i think that ballot access to candidates is also a political question. reasonable people can disagree, but i see a future with political parties to be inevitable. it doesn't mean that we should have only two viable parties nor that independent candidates cannot credibly run for office.

Agreed. Not clear to me why IRV was so limited, but Condorcet has no need for such limits.


but any candidate that deserves the ink and real estate on the ballot for their name, should be required to demonstrate some level of electoral support to get there. if the race is broad enough (a national election in a large country), some candidate need not be on the ballot for every state or district within that nation, if the candidate cannot satisfy the qualifying threshold (in petition signatures) for every district. but whatever the size of the election venue, be it a city ward, entire city, legislative district, statewide, whatever, there should be a minimum number of signatures required for ballot access that is approximately proportional to the voter population of that venue. that constant of proportionality would have to be experimentally and empirically determined, but it should be made high enough to reduce the candidate field to about half dozen meaningful candidates.

Worthy debate, but I would expect strong arguments for more than a "half dozen".

since that number would be fixed in law in advance of the race, there could certainly be election flukes where many more candidates satisfy the ballot access criteria and, in that case, the number of ranking levels would be much less than the number of candidates, but that would be a fluke. if it turned out to become common, the ballot access threshold should be raised by legislative action.

i think Write-In can just be considered another candidate.

Agreed each should be, and my way of counting provides for this. Counters can hear before election day of likely need.

What follows is debate about how to handle write-ins and how to format the N*N matrix for publication.
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