Mike,

Someone said that IRV lets you vote more preferences than Approval does. But what good
does that do, if it doesn't count them?

The term "count" here can be a bit vague and propagandistic. Also you imply that it is always better to "count" preferences (no matter how) than to not.

Also you seem to imply that all the voters care nothing about anything except affecting (positively from their perspective) the result and perhaps how their vote will do it. I reject that. A lot of voters want to know details of the result besides just who won, and want to see how some or all the candidates went, perhaps with the perspective of thinking about their voting strategy in the next election. And some people get some satisfaction from giving their full ranking of the candidates, even though most of that information will be ignored by the voting method algorithm.

As a thought experiment, consider this method: voters strictly rank from the top however many candidates they like and also give an approval cut-off, the winner is the most approved candidate, exact ties resolved by random ballot (doesn't matter if drawn ballot doesn't show approval for any of the tied candidates). After the election each candidates' top rankings scores (and preferably other voted preference information) is made known along with their approval scores.

I as a voter would happier with this than plain Approval. But I think after a while, say if the published results showed a failure of Majority Favourite, some voters might wonder why they have to gamble or use guess work in deciding where to put their approval cut-off and why the voting method can't use some algorithm that usefully uses more of the information on the ballots

To say that IRV fails FBC is an understatement.

IRV fails FBC with a vengeance.

IRV thereby makes a joke any election in which it is used.


That is an exaggeration. Regarding the proper version of IRV I earlier defined (that allows voters to strictly rank from the top however many candidates they want), most of the time none of the voters wouldn't even notice any "FBC failure" (and so incentive to use the Compromise strategy).


As I've already said, all it takes is for favoriteness-support to taper moderately gradually away from the middle, something that is hardly unusual. Eliminations from the extremes will send transfers inward to feed the candidates flanking a middle CW,
resulting in hir elimination.


Yes, but if the wing voters' pairwise preference for the middle CW over their opposite wing's candidate is weak, then arguably that doesn't matter much. Also, even though Approval has a strong centrist bias, it is possible that Approval will fail to elect a CW that IRV would have. After all, IRV meets Mutual Dominant Third and Condorcet Loser. (So for your example to work, the middle CW has to be solidly supported by fewer than a third of the voters).


That said, though Approval or MTA is incomparably better than Plurality, and would be completely
adequate, I'd prefer, if electorally-attainable, a method that meets LNHa.


I like MTA and IBIFA (preferably with 4-slot ballots), and some of the Condorcet methods. I wouldn't say that Approval would be "completely adequate" (but of course a big improvement on FPP).


Chris Benham



Mike Ossipoff wrote (1 Dec 2011):

Someone said that IRV lets you vote more preferences than Approval does. But what good
does that do, if it doesn't count them?

Approval counts every preference that you vote.

Since Approval doesn't let you vote all of your preferences, it doesn't count all of your preferences. But, unlike IRV, you can choose which of your preferences will be counted.

You can divide the candidate-set into two parts in any way you choose. You, and only you, choose
among which two sets of candidates your preferences will be counted.

As I've said, our elections have completely unacceptable candidates. Under those conditions, most methods reduce to Approval anyway. When, in Approval, you approve all of the acceptable candidates and none of the unacceptable candidates, you're doing all that you'd want to do anyway.
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Yes, Approval has the ABE problem, the co-operation/defection problem.

We've discussed two solutions for that problem that could be used in Approval:

1. Your faction makes it known that they will, from principle, refuse to support some
inadequate alleged "lesser-evil" compromise. The other greater-evil-opposers
including the supporters of that "lesser-evil" will understand
that, if they need the votes of a more principled faction, and aren't going to get their votes, then they had better approve that faction's candidates if they don't want a greater
evil to win.

Of course, no one who prefers your faction's policies to those of that "lesser-evil" would have any pragmatic reason to approve the "lesser-evil" but not your faction's candidate.

2. Forrest proposed an ABE solution for RV, which involved calculating the correct fractional
support to give to the other greater-evil-opposing faction.

I'd like to add that, probabilistically, that method can be used in Approval.

In Forrest's example, where C is expected to get 49%, the A voters inform the B voters that they will give to C 96% of full support in RV, or an RV middle-rating in an MTA-like system.

If the method is Approval, then the A voters tell the B voters that they're going to vote for B with 96% probability. That will have the same effect as giving B 96% support in RV.

The A voters would invite the B voters to do the same for them, of course.

Unlike solution #1, which is a bit confrontational, Forrest's fractional rating calculation is quite diplomatic. "We're going to give you 96% support, and we suggest that you do the same for us, in case it's we who are big enough to beat C with that amount of support.

As for implementation details, an A voter could put write the numerals from 1 to 10 on identical rectangular pieces of paper, and put them in a bag. Then, twice (with replacement),
draw out a number, to make a completely random two-digit number.
If that number is less than 96, vote for B.

Or A voters could be advised to cube their street address, or the time of day expressed in minutes, or the temperature, etc., and multiply by the square root of two, and then
write down the digits that are 3rd and 4th from the right.

Or A's and B's parties could have websites that use a pseudorandom number generator to say "Vote for the other candidate" or "Don't vote for the other candidate", when someone
goes to the website and clicks on a button.

That said, though Approval or MTA is incomparably better than Plurality, and would be completely
adequate, I'd prefer, if electorally-attainable, a method that meets LNHa.

Mike Ossipoff


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