At 02:31 PM 1/8/2013, robert bristow-johnson wrote:
On 1/8/13 1:03 PM, Warren Smith wrote:
So should this realization by Jameson Quinn tell us that all previous historical
examples of Bucklin voting should be regarded as examples of the
"Majority-Judgment" median-based system,
and hence can be used to help evaluate how the latter behaves in practice?

Unfortunately I think not because I think Bucklin voters historically
were urged to provide rank-orderings not ratings.

well, isn't that how it works for Bucklin? the inclusion of the 2nd-choice or 3rd-choice votes in the total vote count is a sorta discrete decision. then only inequalities exist for the decisions made by Bucklin. if that's the case, the only information that matters in rating candidates are the relative ranks.

i dunno.

Equal ranking in classic Bucklin was allowed in the third rank. It's a bit of a mystery why they did not allow it in the first two ranks, but I suspect it was merely to make it more familiar to people accustomed simply to "vote for your favorite." The third rank equal ranking possibility made the system even more clearly an Approval system, and when there were many candidates, it was common for the ranks to be completely collapsed, so it really did end up as an Approval election, with the standard Approval phenomenon of candidate totals exceeding the number of voters.

It was also allowed to skip ranks. That is characteristic of Range, and not of ranked systems, and the meaning of a skipped rank in Bucklin is quite the same as skipped ratings in Range: it indicates a stronger gap in preference strength.

Bucklin really was Instant Runoff Approval, quite the same as a simulated series of Approval elections (but, unlike a real series of elections, voters in subsequent rounds have, with plurality-electing Bucklin, no additional information. They are guessing, more or less.) Imagine that voters have a range-ballot-in-mind, and are with each round, lowering the approval cutoff a bit.

Voting reform in the U.S. has neglected Bucklin, to its cost.

And voting systems experts have frequently neglected Top-Two runoff, the most widely-implemented voting reform. TTR has some obvious flaws, but the *concept* of iterated voting has tremendous power. The flaws can easily be fixed by using a more sophisticated primary system, and with a better ballot, a runoff, if needed, could handle two candidates plus write-ins, without a spoiler effect there. With improved ballot analysis, which could still be simple, a runoff system could be made Condorcet compliant *and* SU optimizing.

That last one has been controversial, but it works by testing absolute preferences with a runoff. Low absolute preference difference between runoff candidates equals low turnout from those with low preference. When there is a pairwise beaten Range winner, the preference strength is necessarily low for that pairwise winner (otherwise this would be the Range winner!).

Real runoffs produce "comeback elections," in about one-third of the cases (for nonpartisan elections), where the runner-up in the primary wins the runoff. Runoff electorate is not the same as primary electorate, in addition to vote transfers. (In non partisan elections, simple vote transfers will generally not shift relative position; that is why IRV fails to produce this comeback effect in nonpartisan elections. It does only in partisan elections, where vote transfers are strongly correlated with the first preference.)
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