Some late comments follow.

Vidar Wahlberg wrote:

> The short answer to "why not vote directly for persons?" would be that
> in Norway there's more focus on the goals of a party rather than the
> goal of its politicians, and some may argue that the extra abstraction
> layer is a good thing, as well as I'd like an alternative that won't be
> completely alien to the common people. I'm hoping that any discussion
> that may arise won't focus on this aspect, though.

Open lists would be one easy modification, but I note that you prefer ranked 
ballots, so let's skip open lists. Ranked ballots can also provide better party 
internal proportionality (between different sections of the party or between 
different parts of the districts) than basic open lists.

> I don't have any proof that it will degenerate into a populist
> competition, but I do see the potential that it will, when you vote
> directly for a person rather than a party.


In principle ability to vote for persons helps populist candidates. My best 
understanding is that in Finland, that uses open lists, well known candidates 
(from sports, TV etc.) probably have slightly better chances to win a seat when 
compared to countries using closed lists, but that difference is not big. Also 
closed lists can be populated with well known figures to get "populist votes" 
(in addition to nominating experienced politicians).

Also campaining could in principle be more populist in open lists, but I don't 
see big difference here either. In FInland the level of populism differs more 
between parties than between the candidates of a single party.

All in all, I believe the risk of excessive populism is not big in ranked 
methods either.

> The leveling seat algorithm is... peculiar.

You said that you don't like methods that lead towards a two/three party 
system. In other words the method should allow also small parties to survive. I 
note that typically small districts are one key reason why small parties do not 
get any seats. If you e.g. have a district with 3 seats, it is obvious that 
only two/three largest parties can win there. The leveling seats (that are 
allocated based on support at national level) could fix that problem, but I 
understood that n Norway they don't apply to the smallest parties. Therefore 
the 5% threshold probably effectively reduces the chances of the smallest 
parties to get their proportional share (at national level) of the seats. It 
does not make sense to the voters to vote for parties that most likely will not 
get any seats in their district anyway.

I don't know what the situation in Norway actually is today. My comments here 
are thus just general comments on how multi-winner election methods usually 
work.

> I'd like to get rid of both leveling seats and
> election threshold.

If you want to achieve exact proportionality (also for small parties) I think 
it is important that proportionality will be counted at national level. Also in 
ranked methods it is not enough if each district does its best alone since the 
small number of seats per district will distort proportionality at national 
level. From this point of view the leveing seats (or any construction that aims 
at providing proportionality at national level) is good, and thresholds are bad.

- - -

I note that you can achieve national level proportionality in list based 
methods also without leveling seats. In Finland there was a proposal that was 
alrady once accepted by the parliament but then cancelled by the current 
government. This proposal counted the proportionality first at national level, 
and then allocated a predetermined number of seats to each district so that at 
the same time also the calculated national proportionality numbers were met. 
This means that the last seats in some districts were slightly "forced" to 
correct parties, to meeth the national proportionality target. All methods that 
try to reach multiple targets, like political proportionality and geographic 
proportionality at the same time will have some "rounding errors". In the 
Finnish proposal those rounding errors were thus solved by slight distortion in 
who and which party wins the last seat in each district, instead of using e.g. 
leveling seats to capture the rounding errors.

- - -

You had interest in guaranteeing that the "lost" votes of small parties will go 
to parties that are similar-minded. If one counts exact proportionality at 
national level the number of lost votes will be quite small. That alone might 
be enough for some needs. The traditional way of voting for one party or one 
candidate only could thus be enough, and there would not be need to have ranked 
votes for this reason. (Ranked votes could be there for other reasons, like to 
support party internal proportionality.)

Ranked methods may also be quite heavy for the voter if there anre tens of 
candidates to rank. For the needs of Finland I have been interested in methods 
that would combine lists and ranked votes in another way. The idea is that 
ranking would be used within one party only. This approach does not allow the 
ranked votes to be used to improve the proportionalty between parties (as in 
your original proposal). One reason why ranking would be party internal only is 
that in this way also bullet votes to one single candidate and votes that do 
not list all the (tens of) candidates of one single party would support the 
intended party with their full strength (the whole strength of each short vote 
will go to the intended party). It might be too tedious for the voters to first 
rank all the candidates of one's own party, then all the candidates of the next 
best party, then the third and so on. One could thus achive (almost exact) 
national proportionality by counting it at national level, 
 and still keep voting simple, also when there are tens of hundreds of 
candidates (in each district). The actual paper ballots could be large lists of 
all candidates, or just simple paper ballots with maybe three slots/boxes for 
the numbers of three candidates (of one party).

If one wants to be more exact with national proportionality between parties 
(without forcing voters to rank also the candidates of other parties), one 
solution could be to allow the parties to determine their relationship to other 
parties. For example left wing parties could join together so that their extra 
votes would support other left wing parties and not the right wing ones. This 
gets however quite complex, and parties may not be interested in agreeing which 
parties are cosest to each others. Another approach would be to allow voters to 
rank also parties in addition to ranking candidates, but also that gets quite 
complex.

Juho



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