A non Vedic approach.. democratic, anti caste, grass-roots etc 
but it works...

http://www.yesmagazine.com/article.asp?ID=871
Summer 2004 Issue:  What Is The Good Life? 
 
Little Cash, Lots of Riches
by David Reynolds
  
Having lived in Central America in a home with a dirt floor and 
candle lighting, I arrived in Kerala, India, prepared to see the 
wooden shacks that provide homes to so many people around the 
developing world. After two weeks traveling Kerala's length I still 
had not found any. Even when I visited several homes of what 
westerners call the "untouchable" caste, I walked on tiled floors 
surrounded by solid concrete walls in rooms lit with electric lights. 
In every town and city was the opportunity to browse the thousands of 
bustling family shops that blanket Kerala� sign that most of the 
population can afford to buy basic goods. 

India's state of Kerala, with its 30 million people and an average 
per capita income of $324 a year, ought to have vast shantytowns. If 
Kerala were an independent country, it would rank among the world's 
50 poorest nations. Yet, Kerala has literacy, life expectancy, and 
infant mortality rates that far exceed those in the rest of India and 
the world's other poor countries. Indeed, on all these measures 
Kerala rivals the vastly richer United States. Though its per capita 
Gross National Product is lower than the rest of India, children in 
Kerala grow physically larger than in India generally. 

That the birth rate in Kerala is nearly identical to the rate in the 
United States suggests that the link between population explosions 
and poverty may be more complicated than simple cause and effect�and 
that there is more to poverty than low income. Most people in Kerala 
have very little money, but the communities I saw didn't seem 
impoverished in terms of subhuman living conditions or basic 
wellbeing and health. 

Kerala is also a haven of tolerance and coexistence. While India as a 
whole has experienced significant Muslim-Hindu tensions, Kerala's 
Christian and Muslim minorities live peacefully with the Hindu 
majority. Although India's Hindu nationalist party, the BJP, has used 
appeals to religion and caste to win national power, in Kerala it has 
been unable to elect a single representative to the state or national 
assembly, drawing only around 5 percent of the vote. 

Kerala's human achievement has quietly emerged as an alternative 
model to corporate-driven economic development. What is Kerala's 
secret? 

Not long after I arrived in Kerala, I met Mr. M. Subramanian 
Nambudiri. Born a member of the upper landholding caste, as a young 
man he joined the Communist Party, wrote plays about social justice, 
and fought for land reform that redistributed his own family's 
holdings to poor villagers. At his house we also met a local 
Communist leader and union activist, a state-hired women's organizer, 
and a science activist. Fifty years ago these three could not have 
even entered Nambudiri's house, as they all came from families below 
his caste. 

Into the 20th century, Kerala had India's most rigid and elaborate 
caste system. Those born into the upper castes controlled most of the 
wealth while those at the bottom did the dirtiest work at starvation 
wages. Untouchables cleared the sewers, cleaned animal droppings off 
the streets, and worked the most backbreaking tasks in the fields. In 
return they lived homeless or in shacks. Those of low caste were 
considered not only "untouchable" but unseeable. People of low caste 
were banned from public markets. Mere physical contact with a member 
of this caste was deemed an act of spiritual pollution and the 
Nambudiri Brahmins could punish any such transgression with death. 

But beginning in the early 20th century, landless laborers, poor 
tenant farmers, and Gandhian independence activists built strong 
agricultural unions through a militant and at times bloody history. 
They demanded land redistribution and an end to caste privilege. All 
of these movements overlapped with the state's Communist Party, and 
in the first election after the state was formed in 1957, the people 
of Kerala voted in the world's first democratically elected communist 
government. 

Kerala's democratic fruits 

Social reform in Kerala was not simply a matter of electing left-wing 
governments, however. Indeed, India's national government dissolved 
the state's first Communist administration after only two years in 
office. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Communist-led Left Democratic 
Front (LDF) and the Congress Party-led United Democratic Front (UDF) 
alternated control of state power. Reforms happened because ordinary 
people through their unions, neighborhood groups, and other 
grassroots organizations fought to make them a reality. 

A land reform program in the 1960s transferred more than 2 million 
acres to 1.5 million households, transforming a small parasitical 
landlord class that lived off crushing rents into productive medium-
sized farmers and white-collar professionals such as schoolteachers 
and government administrators. Although designed and enacted by 
Communist-led governments, much of the land reform was carried out by 
non-left governments pressured through land occupations, 
demonstrations, and other direct grassroots action. 

Travelers in Kerala are greeted by bright red flags at every bus 
stop. These are the pennants of the Communist-affiliated transit 
workers union, of which most bus drivers are members. Roughly half of 
the population belongs to some grassroots organization. Kerala's 
labor movement is one of the strongest in India and the developing 
world. Unions in Kerala succeeded in organizing beyond the large 
industries and public sector, where unions are relatively common in 
the developing world. As a result, coir (coconut fiber) weavers 
employed in small shops of a dozen people, construction workers, 
headloaders ("coolies" who carry goods around with their bodies), and 
even elephant handlers belong to unions. Pushed by the unions, the 
state has recognized the right of agricultural workers to organize 
and established unemployment insurance and pensions. Kerala also 
boasts an extensive cooperative movement that includes worker 
production cooperatives, distribution cooperatives, and cooperative 
finance. 

Over the decades the left-wing worker movement expressed itself in a 
range of other grassroots organizing. For instance, a library 
movement gave rise to and helps maintain a network of village 
libraries estimated at 15,000 branches. This tradition combined with 
recent literacy campaigns has helped produce the largest per-capita 
circulation of news-papers and magazines in India and a thriving 
literary and film culture. The People's Science Movement (KSSP) 
networks over 80,000 volunteers to bring science to ordinary people. 
Their projects run from adult literacy classes to developing 
appropriate and environmentally sound technology. An example of the 
latter are the KSSP's styrofoam "hot boxes" that allow villagers to 
cut their wood consumption by reducing the time rice needs to be 
cooked over an open fire. 

Kerala has universal primary education, a free lunch scheme for poor 
children in schools, and scholarships for former low caste groups and 
tribal peoples. Combined with grassroots reading campaigns the state 
enjoys universal literacy. The state funds a network of western and 
traditional medical clinics with four times the number of hospitals 
and twice the number of beds per 100,000 people as India as a whole. 
The state also promotes health through support for decent housing, 
safe water, immunization campaigns, and sanitation 

In short, Kerala did not wait for substantial increases in material 
wealth�the goal of corporate-driven development. Instead, democratic 
movements took the existing wealth and redistributed it so that 
everyone enjoys a basic living standard. The human impact of this 
experience struck me powerfully when I met a family who came from 
the "untouchable" caste. The small size and dazed gaze of the 
grandparents spoke to the malnutrition and violence of past caste 
exploitation. Standing next to and towering over them, however, were 
their alert and vibrant grandchildren�a visual testament to social 
justice. Their father belongs to the agricultural workers union, 
their mother does sewing work on a state-funded machine, and the 
children enjoy a full public education. The family's house was built 
through a public program. 

Democracy versus globalization 

Today, Kerala faces significant challenges. As a predominantly 
agricultural society, its economy is vulnerable to falling 
international commodity prices. Kerala's unemployment rate is one of 
the highest in the country. A quarter of the state GDP comes from 
remittances of Keralites working abroad. The national government has 
cut revenue sharing and pushed IMF- and World Bank-inspired 
privatization. As in much of the developing world, corporate 
practices have savaged the economy and the environment, including 
destroying fish stocks and forests (the state nationalized what 
forest remains). Villages have sued Coca Cola for destroying their 
water table through a bottling plant that extracts 1.5 million liters 
a day. Green Revolution farming practices drastically reduced 
biodiversity, leaving farmers vulnerable to changes in climate and 
pests. 

To survive the pressures of corporate globalization, Left leaders 
concluded that they needed to promote economic growth in innovative 
ways that would build upon past social gains and prove 
environmentally sustainable. Between 1996 and 2001, the last LDF 
government launched an experiment in local democracy, the People's 
Campaign for Decentralized Planning. The People's Campaign attempted 
to use the state's most important asset�its rich grassroots movements�
to foster new models for economic development. Between September and 
October 1996, three million people participated in ward assemblies to 
identify collective needs and develop projects to be worked into 
regional five-year plans. 

By transferring state funds into local hands, the People's Campaign 
produced a wealth of grassroots experiments. Some projects addressed 
immediate physical needs such as housing, safe water, sanitation, 
local pre-schools, and mosquito control. The campaign also generated 
a wide range of economic activity. One village set up a cooperative 
dairy station so that farmers could process their milk and thus enjoy 
a greater portion of the revenues. Another launched a women's 
production cooperative for school uniforms while yet another village 
funded a women's bookbinding cooperative. The village of 
Chapparappadavu established a cooperative factory to produce improved 
versions of the KSSP's "hot boxes." Many projects sought to provide 
an independent income
 





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