Stop bagging Hillary

Michael Costello
February 01, 2008

I have watched with intense interest the rise 
and rise of Barack Obama over the past year. 
Who interested in US presidential politics (and 
the whole world should be, given the 
consequences for the globe) could not be 
fascinated by the young, fresh, eloquent figure 
who promised so much?

When Obama won the Iowa caucus, the first vote 
in the nominating process for presidential 
candidates, I watched to see how he would 
behave. 

Would he follow Churchill's great dictum: "In 
defeat defiance, in victory magnanimity." No he 
did not. In victory he showed vanity and 
vindictiveness. Vanity in his clear belief that 
what the flatterers and fans were assuring him 
was the truth: he was a political messiah. And 
vindictiveness in his dismissive and arrogant 
treatment of Hillary Clinton in the last New 
Hampshire debate. 

He showed the same vindictiveness and lack of 
magnanimity after his victory in South 
Carolina. The first part of his victory speech 
was a deeply unpleasant attack on the Clintons. 
No graciousness there. And how did he handle 
defeat in New Hampshire and Nevada? With a 
combination of denial, petulance and the 
launching of a successful campaign to persuade 
the American media that the Clintons were 
engaged in a campaign of lies about him and, 
even worse, in a campaign of surreptitious 
racism. 

Let's look at what happened. 

Obama had successfully appealed in Iowa to an 
American yearning for change from the Bush 
years. 

Everyone - Democrat and Republican - jumped on 
the change bandwagon. Clinton pointed out, 
however, that it's not enough to hope and 
demand change; you had to be able to define 
what change you want and had to be able to 
deliver it. 

Obama riposted that this failed to take account 
of the sort of impetus for change created by 
great rhetoric of the kind used by John F. 
Kennedy and Martin Luther King. So far, so 
good. Normal political exchange. 

Note it was Obama who introduced King into the 
debate, on his side. Clinton then made the 
obvious, and surely entirely legitimate, 
factual point that King's rhetoric had 
certainly been the indispensable inspiration 
for change, but that president Lyndon Johnson's 
efforts had also been indispensable in actually 
getting civil rights legislation through the 
Congress against deep opposition from parts of 
his own party. 

The place went into meltdown. This was said to 
disrespect King. How could Clinton equate King 
to Johnson? She wasn't: she was simply pointing 
out that both were necessary, one to inspire 
and one to deliver. 

Soon her words were being construed not just as 
disrespect but as hidden racism. Make no 
mistake: Obama's people joined in briefing the 
media and others extensively to create this 
impression. 

The Clintons' record on race in general, and 
King in particular, has over decades of their 
public life proved unimpeachable. 

They have both been champions of the black 
cause. Yet from that moment on, the Clintons 
have been assailed (with obvious glee and 
encouragement from Republican commentators) for 
allegedly mounting a subliminal race campaign. 

It's a tragedy for Obama that this has 
happened. The consequence has been exactly what 
you would expect. In the Nevada caucus, blacks 
voted overwhelmingly for Obama and non-blacks 
voted overwhelmingly for Clinton. In South 
Carolina, the black vote was 53 per cent of the 
total. Obama secured 80 per cent of it. That's 
the reason for his overwhelming victory there. 
He won only 23 per cent of the non-black vote. 

Contrast this to Iowa, where he won a large 
proportion of the white vote. 

Yes, this is a tragedy, but it's entirely his 
own fault for allowing his manifest shock and 
petulance at his defeat in New Hampshire to 
stop him doing the obvious thing. He should 
have vigorously defended the Clintons from the 
first moment on the racism charge. By letting 
it run, by allowing his operatives to encourage 
it, by appearing aggrieved, the very thing he 
has worked so hard to avoid has happened: he 
became "the black candidate." 

This same petulance and obvious outrage at 
criticism is manifest in another key example, 
one for which Bill Clinton is taking the blame. 

One of Obama's most effective criticisms of 
Hillary Clinton is that she voted for the 
resolution authorising the Iraq war, while he 
not only opposed it from the start but (and 
this is crucially important) he had 
consistently opposed the war ever since. Bill 
Clinton expressed his frustration that this 
story of consistent opposition over years was a 
"fairytale" the media had bought into 
uncritically. 

In fact, said Clinton, Obama in 2004 said he 
did not know how he would have voted on the 
resolution authorising the war. 

Remarkably, Obama has managed to persuade the 
media that this was a lie by Clinton that he 
would correct. He hasn't corrected it, because 
he can't. The record shows that Bill Clinton 
was right. Obama did say that. He has not been 
consistent in the terms he set himself. 

Now get this. Obama's defence to saying this in 
2004 is that he was supporting John Kerry for 
president at the time. Kerry had voted for the 
war and was continuing to justify his support 
for his vote. Obama said that he did not want 
to cause Kerry political embarrassment so he 
said that he, Obama, did not know how he would 
have voted. 

But hold on. Isn't this the candidate who's 
about change, whose whole candidacy is based on 
a "different kind of politics"? Isn't this the 
candidate who says the country can no longer 
tolerate political spin, that lying in the name 
of political advantage is what's destroying the 
country? Yet on the very issue he identifies as 
the biggest moral issue facing America (the 
Iraq war) the issue on which he most often 
attacks Hillary Clinton (the original vote on 
the Iraq war), Obama effectively states that he 
was lying for political advantage. 

Obama's main claim to fame is that he's a 
compelling speech-maker. Yet unlike the 
rhetoric of a Kennedy or King, Obama's rhetoric 
seems aimless. He calls for hope, for change. 

Fine, but hope to do what, to change to what? 
He hasn't said yet. He doesn't seem to know. 

Shorn of purpose, his rhetoric seems 
increasingly an exercise in technique and 
style, "sound and fury, signifying nothing". He 
says that one of the high qualities of 
leadership is the ability to inspire by words, 
and he is right. It's a rare ability. But 
inspire to what end? 

It's a pity. He promised so much.

http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25

197,23140008-7583,00.html
http://tinyurl.com/29easc



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