"I think we will look back in 10 years' time and say we should not have done 
this but we did because we forgot the lessons of the past, and that that which 
is true in the 1930's is true in 2010," said Senator Byron L. Dorgan, Democrat 
of North Dakota. 

"I wasn't around during the 1930's or the debate over Glass-Steagall. But I was 
here in the early 1980's when it was decided to allow the expansion of savings 
and loans. We have now decided in the name of modernization to forget the 
lessons of the past, of safety and of soundness."

~~  Senator Byron L. Dorgan (D-ND) in 1999 on the repeal of the Glass-Steagall 
Act of 1933


1999 Story: CONGRESS PASSES WIDE-RANGING BILL EASING BANK LAWS

By STEPHEN LABATON
New York Times - November 5, 1999 - http://snipurl.com/emjmc


Congress approved landmark legislation today that opens the door for a new era 
on Wall Street in which commercial banks, securities houses and insurers will 
find it easier and cheaper to enter one another's businesses.

The measure, considered by many the most important banking legislation in 66 
years, was approved in the Senate by a vote of 90 to 8 and in the House tonight 
by 362 to 57. The bill will now be sent to the president, who is expected to 
sign it, aides said. It would become one of the most significant achievements 
this year by the White House and the Republicans leading the 106th Congress.

"Today Congress voted to update the rules that have governed financial services 
since the Great Depression and replace them with a system for the 21st 
century," Treasury Secretary Lawrence H. Summers said. "This historic 
legislation will better enable American companies to compete in the new 
economy."

The decision to repeal the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 
provoked dire warnings from a handful of dissenters that 
the deregulation of Wall Street would someday wreak 
havoc on the nation's financial system. 

The original idea behind Glass-Steagall was that separation between bankers and 
brokers would reduce the potential conflicts of interest that were thought to 
have contributed to the speculative stock frenzy before the Depression.

Today's action followed a rich Congressional debate about the history of 
finance in America in this century, the causes of the banking crisis of the 
1930's, the globalization of banking and the future of the nation's economy.

Administration officials and many Republicans and Democrats said the measure 
would save consumers billions of dollars and was necessary to keep up with 
trends in both domestic and international banking. 

Some institutions, like Citigroup, already have banking, insurance and 
securities arms but could have been forced to divest their insurance 
underwriting under existing law. Many foreign banks already enjoy the ability 
to enter the securities and insurance industries.

The world changes, and we have to change with it," said Senator Phil Gramm of 
Texas, who wrote the law that will bear his name along with the two other main 
Republican sponsors, Representative Jim Leach of Iowa and Representative Thomas 
J. Bliley Jr. of Virginia. 

"We have a new century coming, and we have an opportunity to dominate that 
century the same way we dominated this century. Glass-Steagall, in the midst of 
the Great Depression, came at a time when the thinking was that the government 
was the answer. In this era of economic prosperity, we have decided that 
freedom is the answer."

In the House debate, Mr. Leach said, "This is a historic day. The landscape for 
delivery of financial services will now surely shift."

But consumer groups and civil rights advocates 
criticized the legislation for being a sop to 
the nation's biggest financial institutions. 
They say that it fails to protect the privacy 
interests of consumers and community lending 
standards for the disadvantaged and that it 
will create more problems than it solves.

The opponents of the measure gloomily predicted 
that by unshackling banks and enabling them to 
move more freely into new kinds of financial 
activities, the new law could lead to an economic 
crisis down the road when the marketplace is no 
longer growing briskly.

"I think we will look back in 10 years' time and say we should not have done 
this but we did because we forgot the lessons of the past, and that that which 
is true in the 1930's is true in 2010," said Senator Byron L. Dorgan, Democrat 
of North Dakota. 

"I wasn't around during the 1930's or the debate over Glass-Steagall. But I was 
here in the early 1980's when it was decided to allow the expansion of savings 
and loans. We have now decided in the name of modernization to forget the 
lessons of the past, of safety and of soundness."

Senator Paul Wellstone, Democrat of Minnesota, said that Congress had "seemed 
determined to unlearn the lessons from our past mistakes."

"Scores of banks failed in the Great Depression as a 
result of unsound banking practices, and their failure 
only deepened the crisis," Mr. Wellstone said. 

Glass-Steagall was intended to protect our financial 
system by insulating commercial banking from other 
forms of risk. It was one of several stabilizers 
designed to keep a similar tragedy from recurring. 
Now Congress is about to repeal that economic stabilizer without putting any 
comparable safeguard in its place."

Supporters of the legislation rejected those arguments. They responded that 
historians and economists have concluded that the Glass-Steagall Act was not 
the correct response to the banking crisis because it was the failure of the 
Federal Reserve in carrying out monetary policy, not speculation in the stock 
market, that caused the collapse of 11,000 banks. 

If anything, the supporters said, the new law will give financial companies the 
ability to diversify and therefore reduce their risks. The new law, they said, 
will also give regulators new tools to supervise shaky institutions.

"The concerns that we will have a meltdown like 1929 are dramatically 
overblown," said Senator Bob Kerrey, Democrat of Nebraska.

Others said the legislation was essential for the future leadership of the 
American banking system.

"If we don't pass this bill, we could find London or Frankfurt or years down 
the road Shanghai becoming the financial capital of the world," said Senator 
Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York. "There are many reasons for this 
bill, but first and foremost is to ensure that U.S. financial firms remain 
competitive."

But other lawmakers criticized the provisions of the legislation aimed at 
discouraging community groups from pressing banks to make more loans to the 
disadvantaged. Representative Maxine Waters, Democrat of California, said 
during the House debate that the legislation was "mean-spirited in the way it 
had tried to undermine the Community Reinvestment Act." 

And Representative Barney Frank, Democrat of Massachusetts, said it was ironic 
that while the legislation was deregulating financial services, it had begun a 
new system of onerous regulation on community advocates.

Many experts predict that, even though the legislation has been trailing market 
trends that have begun to see the cross-ownership of banks, securities firms 
and insurers, the new law is certain to lead to a wave of large financial 
mergers.

The White House has estimated the legislation could save consumers as much as 
$18 billion a year as new financial conglomerates gain economies of scale and 
cut costs.

Other experts have disputed those estimates as overly optimistic, and said that 
the bulk of any profits seen from the deregulation of financial services would 
be returned not to customers but to shareholders.

These are some of the key provisions of the legislation:

*Banks will be able to affiliate with insurance companies and securities 
concerns with far fewer restrictions than in the past.

*The legislation preserves the regulatory structure in Washington and gives the 
Federal Reserve and the Office of Comptroller of the Currency roles in 
regulating new financial conglomerates. The Securities and Exchange Commission 
will oversee securities operations at any bank, and the states will continue to 
regulate insurance.

*It will be more difficult for industrial companies to control a bank. The 
measure closes a loophole that had permitted a number of commercial enterprises 
to open savings associations known as unitary thrifts.

One Republican Senator, Richard C. Shelby of Alabama, voted against the 
legislation. He was joined by seven Democrats: Barbara Boxer of California, 
Richard H. Bryan of Nevada, Russell D. Feingold of Wisconsin, Tom Harkin of 
Iowa, Barbara A. Mikulski of Maryland, Mr. Dorgan and Mr. Wellstone.

In the House, 155 Democrats and 207 Republicans voted for the measure, while 51 
Democrats, 5 Republicans and 1 independent opposed it. Fifteen members did not 
vote.

Tucked away in the legislation is a provision that some experts today warned 
could cost insurance policyholders as much as $50 billion. The provision would 
allow mutual insurance companies to move to other states to avoid payments they 
would otherwise owe policyholders as they reorganize their corporate structure. 
Many states, including New York and New Jersey, do not allow such relocations 
without the consent of the insurer's domicile state. But the legislation before 
Congress would pre-empt the states.

Both the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company and the Prudential Life Insurance 
Company are in the midst of reorganizing into stock-based corporations that are 
requiring them to pay billions of dollars to policyholders from years of 
accumulated surplus. In exchange, the policyholders give up their ownership in 
the mutual insurance company.

The legislation would permit any mutual insurance company to avoid making 
surplus payments to policyholders by simply moving to states with more 
permissive laws and setting up a hybrid corporate structure known as a mutual 
holding company.

The provision was inserted by Representative Bliley at the urging of a trade 
association. It attracted little opposition because it was attached to a 
provision that forbids insurers from discriminating against domestic-violence 
victims.

In a letter sent to Congress this week, Mr. Summers said that the provision 
''could allow insurance companies to avoid state law protecting policyholders, 
enriching insiders at the expense of consumers."





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