Chavez and Company
By Patrick Devenny
FrontPageMagazine.com | May 13, 2005

In a recent speech to the Council of the Americas, Secretary of 
State Condoleeza Rice delivered an upbeat assessment concerning 
South America.  She included the continent as part of the "larger 
tide of liberty" that was sweeping the globe, declaring the 
region "committed to democracy".  While the secretary's optimistic 
tone is certainly pleasing to the ear, it fails to recognize the 
challenge posed by Venezuelan's president, Hugo Chavez.  An ally of 
both Fidel Castro and the government of Iran, Chavez has worked 
tirelessly to frustrate US efforts across the continent.  His most 
recent provocation, among many others, was charging the few American 
military officers still in Venezuela with espionage, threatening 
them with arrest and ordering their removal.  Unproven and menacing 
bombast has always been a familiar Chavez motif, but hinting at the 
imprisonment of American officers takes the situation to a whole new 
level.  Even in the face of similar unrelenting threats and actions, 
the US government has been woefully inactive in opposing the 
spreading influence of Chavez across South America.  In the words of 
noted Latin America expert J. Michael Waller, writing in a recently 
published report, the Bush administration has "largely ignored" the 
actions of the Chavez regime. 

The intensity of Chavez's anti-Americanism is matched only by his 
zealous campaign against democracy at home.  The most basic 
democratic pillar of free speech is in critical condition as Chavez 
supporters recently enacted a law which criminalized anti-government 
dissent; banging pots against the road is now a quick way for a 
Venezuelan citizen to be thrown in jail.  The private press, 
constantly derided by President Chavez as defying "public order", is 
now neutered by yet another presidential edict which allows the 
government to shut down news organizations without explanation or 
review.  These methods are all part of Chavez's "Bolivarian" 
political philosophy, which represents a dangerous amalgamation of 
Maoist-Marxist-populist dogma.  Groups of pro-Chavez thugs 
dubbed "Bolivarian circles" have been recruited to intimidate, 
assault, and even kill enemies of his "Bolivarian revolution".  In a 
final step towards absolute power, the Venezuelan supreme court, 
stacked with a majority of 17 Chavez appointed judges, has hinted at 
its willingness to alter the ragged constitution even further, this 
time in order to declare Chavez "President for Life". 

Corrupting a relatively successful South American democracy, while 
at the same time courting some of the most reprehensible regimes on 
Earth, is not an easy task for one man.  The repressive 
transformation of Venezuela that has been carried out by Chavez 
would have been impossible were it not for the existence of a 
coterie of men who were unswervingly loyal to him and his warped 
ideology.  This small group of advisors and fellow travelers has 
been instrumental in developing and concentrating power in the hands 
of the regime, yet they are eclipsed in publicity by the offensive 
bravado of their leader.  This lack of knowledge can only hinder our 
policy towards Venezuela, for the simple reason that a dictatorship 
is never a one man show.  Even the most repressive and egotistical 
of tyrants had required a band of enablers who are willing to carry 
out his demands without questions.  Chavez is no different.

 

The Media Man

Historically, the imposition of state control over a nation's media 
is one of the first steps toward a fully entrenched authoritarian 
state.  Hugo Chavez and his henchmen have obviously read their 
history, having initiated a campaign to destroy any semblance of 
independent media inside Venezuela.  At the forefront of this 
totalitarian effort is Jesse Chacon, the former head of the National 
Telecommunications Commission.  Chacon is an ex-army officer and a 
long time ally of Chavez, siding with him during an unsuccessful 
coup attempt in 1992.  As head of the NTC, Chacon immediately went 
to work implementing a media strategy that has all but ruined the 
free media in Venezuela.  The plan originated in 2002, when Mr. 
Chacon drafted a law that would ensure only pro-Chavez news would be 
broadcast.

 

Such Orwellian legislation helped bring about the abortive 2002 coup 
against Chavez, which eventually failed to remove him from office.  
Upon his return to the presidium, Chavez was more determined than 
ever to rein in the independent media, who he felt had colluded 
against him.  He assigned the ever faithful Chacon to lead the 
investigation against the media outlets, an inquiry which resulted 
in a laughably conspiratorial report linking media figures with coup 
plotters and, of course, the CIA.  The networks argued that their 
coverage of the coup had been stymied by the thousands of pro-Chavez 
rioters who, among their other acts of wanton violence, smashed 
media offices, assaulted their employees with clubs, and shot one of 
their reporters in the head.  Such excuses were lost on Chacon, who 
regarded their actions as treasonous.

 

Chacon's war accelerated in 2003, during nationwide strikes 
organized by the political opposition.  "This is a country at war," 
he stated, adding, "The world should not be surprised if we start 
closing TV stations in Venezuela shortly".  He cited the airing of 
opposition ads as proof of the networks criminality.  As a reward 
for his dangerous rhetoric and actions against independent media, 
Chacon was appointed minister of communication and information.  One 
of his first acts as minister was to send state security officials 
into the offices of a major television network, Globovision, where 
they confiscated and destroyed the broadcast equipment.  A protest 
by network employees and their supporters was dispersed with rubber 
bullets and tear gas.  Over the ensuing months, police stormed other 
media outlets, to ensure that "they were operating on the right 
frequency."  Private media outlets have since shown signs of self-
censorship, fearful of increased government repression.  As a 
substitute for the independent media he was busy destroying, Chacon 
funneled millions of dollar into supposedly independent "people's 
stations", which were, in reality, propaganda organs for the regime.

 

Once Mr. Chacon was finished effectively crippling the well 
respected television media of Venezuela, his boss graciously gave 
him the position of Interior Minister, placing the arch enemy of 
free speech in charge of the nation's police.  In that position, 
Chacon has kept busy protecting FARC terrorists from Colombian and 
international authorities while using the powers of state to harass 
and threaten anyone standing in opposition to his close friend, Hugo 
Chavez.

 

The Oil Man  

Usually, former Maoist guerilla and Venezuelan terrorist are not 
things one would include in a resume.  Such a history, however, did 
not prevent Hugo Chavez from placing Ali Rodriguez in charge of 
Venezuela's critically important oil sector.  Rodriguez, a 1960's 
Venezuelan communist guerilla who, according to the Time Magazine, 
specialized in bomb making, was appointed energy minister of 
Venezuela in 1998.  At the time, Chavez was seeking to gain total 
control over the PDVSA, the state owned oil company whose managers 
disagreed with new Chavez energy policies.  Chavez angrily promised 
to bring the national oil company "under his thumb".  Rodriguez, a 
long time friend of Chavez, immediately went to work increasing the 
supply of petroleum to Cuba and reconstructing Fidel Castro's aging 
oil refinery infrastructure, an initiative that has since expanded.  
He was also appointed President of OPEC, where he lowered production 
ceilings, driving up prices worldwide.  Chavez would often gloat at 
his friend's ability to make the "yanquis" pay more at the pump.  
When Chavez made his highly publicized trip to meet Saddam Hussein 
in 2000, Rodriguez was right by his side.  The two personally handed 
the Iraqi dictator and mass murderer an invitation to the next OPEC 
summit.  

 

Elevated to Secretary General of OPEC, Rodriguez continued to 
campaign against raising production to meet growing demand and 
prices, which also happened to be the cornerstone of Hugo Chavez' 
national oil policy.  When PDVSA workers took part in the national 
opposition strikes, Chavez unleashed the "Bolivarian circles", 
leading to riots and mass arrests of anti-Chavez union members.  
Alarmed with the opposition's power inside PDVSA, Chavez quickly 
called back his old friend Ali, who gratefully accepted the 
presidency of the company.  Rodriguez deemed any strikes that 
followed as "disasters" that threatened the liberty of the 
Venezuelan people.  When further strikes did occur, Rodriguez 
announced "big changes", involving mass layoffs and the arrests of 
company managers.  These measures, along with violent attacks by 
police and Chavez supporters, eventually broke the will of the 
strikers.  With Rodriguez's indispensable aid, Hugo Chavez was now 
in total control of Venezuela's main industry.  He was free to use 
this influx of petro cash to buy, among other things, 100,000 
assault rifles and Mig-29 fighters from Russia. 

 

Helping Hugo Chavez corner the Venezuelan oil industry is apparently 
a wonderful career move, as Ali Rodriguez was appointed the Foreign 
Minister in 2004.  In his new lofty position, Rodriguez spends most 
of his time reengaging with the odious dictatorships of the world 
while warning of US sponsored assassination plots against his old 
friend Hugo.  The former Maoist bomber turned foreign minister is 
back doing what he does best, namely cozying up to petty tyrants 
while demonizing the United States.

 

The Law Man

Diosdado Cabello got to know Hugo Chavez fairly well in 1992, when 
the two military men spent time in a jail cell together.  Cabello 
was a fellow coup planner who was subsequently arrested and 
sentenced to two years in jail.  Once his cellmate Hugo became 
president, however, things quickly turned around for Cabello, who 
was appointed head of the state telecom company Conatel in 1998.  
After two years of mismanagement, Cabello was promoted to the 
position of Secretary of the President.  Not a week passed before 
Cabello had castigated the Catholic Church for daring to criticize 
the government's actions to alleviate poverty.  Their report was 
a "political pamphlet", and was produced for the benefit of the 
always amorphous "opposition".  The meteoric rise of the ex-con 
Cabello continued in 2001, when Chavez appointed him Vice 
President.  It was a startling career path, from jail to the Vice 
President's office in 9 years.  Loyalty to Chavez trumps respect for 
the law in Venezuela's new governing circles.

 

The new Vice President quickly stepped into his role as chief 
dissident hunter.  Any opposition to Chavez was 
deemed "illegal, "traitorous", and "dangerous".  He was one of the 
main planners for the purge of anti-regime elements inside the 
military and in the oil industry.  During the 48 hour coup attempt 
in 2002, the ever loyal Cabello challenged the coup leaders and 
helped restore his grateful friend back to the presidency.  Once 
back in control, Cabello took over the effort against the rebel 
military officers, placing hundreds of them in jail.  With that task 
accomplished, he was made minister of justice and the interior.  
There, he reportedly began working with security and military 
officials in arming and supplying the "Bolivarian circles" with 
military weaponry.  The irony was not lost on opposition figures, 
who pointed out the inherent hypocrisy of the justice minister 
working with violent paramilitaries.  Their objections were shouted 
down once more, never to see the light of day in a media market 
increasingly controlled by the regime.  Other judicial duties of 
Cabello included threatening Supreme Court justices with mob 
violence if they dared investigate corruption charges against Chavez 
as well as taking direct control of all local police forces 
throughout Venezuela.  The latest assignment for Chavez's enforcer 
has been unseating Enrique Mendoza, a regional governor and one of 
the last major opposition figures left in Venezuela.  The race was 
made decidedly easier for Cabello after Chavez threatened any 
governor with jail if they complained about the results.  Not 
surprisingly, Cabello won.  

 

For too long, the Bush administration has disregarded the threat 
represented by Chavez.  A mentally unstable dictator, Chavez has 
done everything possible to destabilize South America while ruining 
democracy at home.  The hemisphere is a far more dangerous place 
with Hugo Chavez and his associates at the helm in Venezuela.  
America, and the rest of world for that matter, would be far better 
served if the administration takes the matter seriously and begins 
to directly challenge the legitimacy of the Chavez government.





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