Martialing our Constitution
Reformer.com


Saturday, August 4
In the August issue of The Progressive, in one of his last interviews 
before his death from cancer on June 9, philosopher Richard Rorty was 
asked how much improvement our democratic institutions are in need of 
today. 
Rorty said that after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks, "it became clear 
that the political right would try to substitute the 'global war on 
terrorism' as an excuse not only for keeping the national security 
state intact but for undermining the political institutions of the 
old democracies. I was terrified that the Bush administration would 
carry American public opinion with it, and would succeed in brushing 
the liberties of the citizen aside." 

Even though public support for the Bush administration is at low ebb, 
Rorty still believed that "sooner or later, some terrorist group will 
repeat 9/11 on a much grander scale. I doubt that democratic 
institutions will be resilient enough to stand the strain." 

Lest one thinks that Rorty was letting paranoia get the better of 
him, his words echoed what Army Gen. Tommy Franks, the man who led 
the U.S. invasion of Iraq, expressed in an interview to Cigar 
Aficionado magazine back in December 2003. 

Franks said that if terrorists somehow got hold of a nuclear, 
chemical or biological weapon and used it against a U.S. city, we 
would lose the "freedom and liberty we've seen for a couple of 
hundred years in this grand experiment that we call democracy," and 
that such an attack would lead Americans "to question our own 
Constitution and to begin to militarize our country in order to 
prevent a repeat of another mass-casualty-producing event, which in 
fact, then begins to unravel the fabric of our Constitution." 
This has been the fear we have lived with since 9/11 -- that we are 
one catastrophic attack away from martial law and the end of our 
constitutional form of government. And when an Army general and a 
liberal philosopher end up sounding the same notes regarding the 
health and resilience of our democratic institutions, there is cause 
for concern. 

That concerns grows when one considers how diligently the Bush 
administration has worked over the past six years to pave the way for 
martial law. 

Look at the record. The Authorization for Use of Military Force, 
passed by Congress just days after the 9/11 attacks, allowed 
President Bush to proclaim that the entire world, including the 
United States, was a battlefield in the so-called global war on 
terror. In addition, as a "wartime president," Bush has the power to 
ignore laws passed by Congress if he believes those laws interfere 
with his role as commander-in-chief. 

The PATRIOT Act followed just a few weeks later, and undermined much 
of the Bill of Rights. During this period the Bush administration 
began a campaign of illegal surveillance on Americans, all done 
without court warrants or judicial review. Also during the period was 
the rewrite of policies regarding detention and torture of so-
called "enemy combatants." 

In 2002, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft sought to create a mass 
network of millions of citizen spies. Operation TIPS, as it was 
called, was curtailed by Congress, but it still more or less 
functions in a slightly different form today. 

Last October, hidden within the Military Commissions Act -- the 
legislation that repealed the right of habeas corpus -- was another 
provision that gives the president the power to take control of the 
National Guard in all 50 states, even if the governors in those 
states object, in the event of a national emergency. The legislation 
also gives the president the right to use active-duty military units 
for police-type functions within the United States. 

In May, the White House released what it called a National Security 
and Homeland Security Presidential Directive for how the federal 
government would respond to a "catastrophic emergency." 

This directive states that if the president determines that a 
catastrophic emergency has taken place -- loosely defined as "any 
incident, regardless of location, that results in extraordinary 
levels of mass casualties, damage or disruption severely affecting 
the U.S. population, infrastructure, environment, economy or 
government functions" -- the president would have the power to take 
over all government functions until the emergency is declared over. 

In other words, a dictatorship. 

While few were paying attention, all the ingredients for martial law 
have been quietly put into place. All these things seem hypothetical 
for now, but one event -- say, another terrorist attack -- could put 
everything in motion. 

Are our democratic institutions strong enough to withstand the 
pressure they would be put under in the event of an attack? Can we 
resist the urge to throw what's left of the Constitution out the 
window? Can we trust our leaders to preserve our system of 
government, or will we allow them to take total control in the name 
of our national security? 

These are important questions to ask, not just of the current 
occupants of the White House and Congress, but also to those who are 
running for public office. The threat of martial law in the United 
States is real enough that it should be taken seriously and all 
Americans need to be aware of the possibility that it could happen 
here. 


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