That goes to the important distinction between the /legal/ duty to 
respond to an official call-up, enforced by penalties such as fines or 
imprisonment, and the /social/ duty to defend the community. The two 
kinds of duty, the first deriving from the constitution of /government/, 
the second from the constitution of /society/, define two different 
subsets of the population, which I call the /mandatory/ militia and the 
/general/ militia, using the term to refer to those engaged in defense 
activity. The first is a proper subset of the second. People in the 
Founding Era often loosely used the same word to sometimes refer to the 
first, sometimes to the second.

However, there is a social duty to respond to a not necessarily official 
call-up that is enforceable by exclusion from protection or ejection 
from the community. As a duty, militia is the duty that defines the 
social contract, and as such precedes government. The authority to issue 
a call-up is a threat, and the duty comes with awareness of that threat, 
no matter who might become aware.

[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
> Joe Olson and I pointed out in our A2A amicus brief that ratification period 
> States  knew of militias of one -- members of unorganized militias -- and 
> wanted them armed. The militia statutes commonly exempted broad swathes of 
> the populace -- sailors, ferrymen, judges, gov't officials, sometimes lawyers 
> -- from the duty to be enrolled, mustered, and drilled. But the statutes 
> *didn't* exempt from from the duty to be armed. The rationale was presumably 
> that there might come a day when they needed every man, and the unorganized 
> ones might be untrained but at least they'd have a gun and equipment.
>   

-- 

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