"The Right of Self-Preservation and Resistance: A True Legal and
Historical Understanding of the Anglo-American Right to Arms"

Cardozo Law Review De Novo, Forthcoming PATRICK J. CHARLES, Immigration
Reform Law Insitute
Email: [email protected]


In the District of Columbia v. Heller both the Supreme Court majority 
and Justice Stevens’ dissent  used history to determine the Second
Amendment’s meaning and protective scope. In the end, the Individual
Right Scholars’ interpretation of this history prevailed in a slim 5-4
decision, in which the Court held that armed individual self-defense was
the “central component” of the Second Amendment and the District of
Columbia’s “prohibition against rendering any lawful firearm in the home
operable for the purpose of immediate self-defense” to be
unconstitutional. Despite this victory for Individual Right Scholars and
supporters, the Heller decision did not bind the States. 

Justice Scalia’s majority opinion goes to great lengths to assert that
the District Courts should incorporate the Second Amendment through the
Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause.   However, except for the
Ninth Circuit’s vacated judgment in Nordyke v. King, none of the other
Circuit Courts have decided to incorporate the Second Amendment.
Instead, these courts reiterated footnote twenty-three of the Heller
opinion, which upheld the Supreme Court’s late nineteenth century
decisions “that the Second Amendment applies only to the Federal
Government.” 

This brings us to the issues that will be before the Supreme Court in
McDonald v. City of Chicago.   The issues presented are twofold. The
first is whether the Second Amendment is incorporated through the
Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause. In order for the petitioners
to be successful in their claim they will have to show armed individual
self-defense in the home is “fundamental to the American scheme of
justice.” In conducting this constitutional standard the Court has
traditionally examined the Anglo-American tradition of the right being
asserted, tracing its history to Greek and Roman times, to the Magna
Charta, through the English Declaration of Rights, and to the colonies.
In addition to this history, the Court also examines the frequency by
which the asserted right appears in the Founding Era’s State
constitutions. 

The second issue before the Court is whether the Second Amendment is one
of the “privileges and immunities of the citizens of the United States.”
This issue is primarily significant because the petitioners are arguing
that the ruling in the Slaughter-House Cases  should be overruled and
the Bill of Rights should be incorporated through the Fourteenth
Amendment’s Privileges or Immunities Clause. Due to nearly one hundred
forty years of settled Supreme Court precedent, this argument would seem
doomed to fail. However, the fact that a multitude of historical and
legal scholarship has called for the Slaughter-House Cases to be
overturned may influence the Court to consider doing so, thereby
incorporating the entire Bill of Rights. In fact, Justice Clarence
Thomas has gone on record stating he “would be open to reevaluating its
meaning in an appropriate case.” 

Certainly, in order for the Slaughter-House Cases to be overturned the
Supreme Court will have to delve into the history of the Fourteenth
Amendment’s ratifying debates, the journal of the Joint-Committee on
Reconstruction, and the debates of the early Civil Rights Acts. This is
history that the Supreme Court has addressed in numerous cases, and one
would argue is settled as a matter of law. However, the Supreme Court
does not need to adhere to its past historical precedents. It is
well-established that the Court, at any time, may reexamine the
historical basis of its past constitutional decisions. 

This precedent is particularly significant because not only are the
petitioners requesting the Court reexamine the history and precedent of
the Fourteenth Amendment’s Privileges or Immunities Clause, but
petitioners argue that the Court should ignore recent scholarship
proving the Heller decision to be historically controversial. To be more
precise, the petitioners want the Court to exercise its historical
discretion in support of their arguments and ignore any recent
scholarship or history that disproves it. One cannot have it both ways.

This article argues this exact point, and addresses Heller’s
misinterpretation of the 1689 Declaration of Rights “have arms”
provision. While I agree with the petitioners that the Supreme Court
should reexamine its constitutional history, I disagree with the
petitioners that only the history of the Fourteenth Amendment should be
addressed. If the Court sees fit to reexamine the long established
precedent of the Slaughterhouse Cases, then it should equally hear all
historical arguments, for recent scholarship on the Second Amendment has
shown the Heller majority selectively included and misinterpreted the
history of the “right to keep and bear arms.”

One may argue because the Heller decision was recently decided that
another look into this history would be a waste of judicial resources.
Interestingly enough, neither the Ninth Circuit nor the Seventh Circuit
thought so. The Ninth Circuit opened the door for refutation of the
Heller majority’s historical findings. The court stated, “[Santa Clara]
County does little to refute [the] powerful evidence that the right to
bear arms is deeply rooted in the history and tradition of the Republic,
a right Americans considered fundamental at the Founding and thereafter.”
Similarly, the Seventh Circuit reexamined the history of Blackstone’s
Commentaries, holding against the Heller majority’s interpretation,
stating “Blackstone discussed arms-bearing as a political rather than a
constitutional right.” 

In addition to this article briefly addressing whether the Supreme Court
should reexamine the Second Amendment’s history this article provides an
examination of the Anglo-American allowance to “have arms,” which shows
armed individual self-defense is not “fundamental to the American scheme
of justice.” While there is no denying it is every individual’s natural
right to defend their person should they be assailed, Individual Right
Scholars inaccurately claim individuals have a right to own modern
weaponry to accomplish it. To prove my claim this article will address
(1) what Blackstone truly meant by the “natural right of resistance and
self-preservation,” and (2) how this “self-preservation” principle
relates to the Anglo-American protection the allowance to “have arms”
affords. In the end, the historical and legal evidence will show that
the Heller decision was based on faulty assumptions that do not comport
with the true meaning and understanding of an ancient Anglo American
right to “keep and bear arms.

Professor Joseph Olson, J.D., LL.M.         o-  651-523-2142  
Hamline University School of Law             f-   651-523-2236
St. Paul, MN  55113-1235                        c-  612-865-7956
[email protected]                               
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