Odd assumptions throughout, though it does revive a favorite subject of
mine.

Before its unfortunate editing, the composition of the Second Amendment was
structured like the First, namely a set of statements separated by
semicolons. Before editing and votes on additions, it read:

The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a well
armed and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country;
but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms shall be compelled to
render military service in person.

 

Thus Magarian's assumption appears false on its face. The Founders initial
intent is transparent - that they lumped together related topics into an
amendment. The First includes a slate of rights that cluster around the
notion of freedom of conscious and interaction. The Second clustered around
armed self-defense, individual and collective.

 

Thus I'll be bold enough to state that the First Amendment actually
compliments and reinforces the standard model of the Second, which is
opposite of what Magarian writes.

 

Guy Smith

Author of Shooting <http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0983240701/>  The Bull
and Gun Facts <http://www.gunfacts.info/>  

 

  _____  

From: [email protected]
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Joseph E. Olson
Sent: Tuesday, March 06, 2012 10:43 AM
To: List Firearms Reg
Cc: postHeller
Subject: new anti article

 

 <http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2009125> "Speaking
Truth to Firepower: How the First Amendment Destabilizes the Second"  
Washington University in St. Louis Legal Studies Research Paper
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/PIP_Journal.cfm?pip_jrnl=382963>  No. 12-02-05

GREGORY P. MAGARIAN
<http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=273283> ,
Washington University in Saint Louis - School of Law
Email: [email protected]

When the Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller declared that the
Second Amendment protects an individual right to keep and bear arms, it set
atop the federal judicial agenda the critical task of elaborating the new
right's scope, limits, and content. Following Heller, commentators routinely
draw upon the First Amendment's protections for expressive freedom to
support their proposals for Second Amendment doctrine. In this article,
Professor Magarian advocates a very different role for the First Amendment
in explicating the Second, and he contends that our best understanding of
First Amendment theory and doctrine severely diminishes the Second
Amendment's legal potency. Professor Magarian first criticizes efforts to
draw direct analogies between the First and Second Amendments, because the
two amendments and their objects of protection diverge along critical
descriptive, normative, and functional lines. He then contends that the
longstanding debate about whether constitutional speech protections
primarily serve collectivist or individualist purposes models a useful
approach for interpreting the Second Amendment. Under that approach, the
language of the Second Amendment's preamble, which Heller all but erased
from the text, compels a collectivist reading of the Second Amendment. The
individual right to keep and bear arms, contrary to the Heller Court's
fixation on individual self-defense, must serve some collective interest.
Many gun rights advocates urge that the Second Amendment serves a collective
interest in deterring - and, if necessary, violently deposing - a tyrannical
federal government. That theory of Second Amendment insurrectionism marks
another point of contact with the First Amendment, because constitutional
expressive freedom serves the conceptually similar function of protecting
public debate in order to enable dynamic political change. Professor
Magarian contends, however, that we should prefer debate to violence as a
means of political change and that, in fact, the historical disparity in our
legal culture's attention to the First and Second Amendments reflects a
longstanding choice of debate over insurrection. Moreover, embracing Second
Amendment insurrectionism would endanger our commitment to protecting
dissident political speech under the First Amendment. The article concludes
that our insights about the First Amendment leave little space for the
Second Amendment to develop as a meaningful constraint on government action.


 

****************************************************************************
************************************

Professor Joseph Olson, J.D., LL.M.
o-   651-523-2142  
Hamline University School of Law (MS-D2037)
f-    651-523-2236
St. Paul, MN  55113-1235
c-   612-865-7956
[email protected]
http://law.hamline.edu/constitutional_law/joseph_olson.html


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