Old foes spoiling for a fight
By Eric Margolis
March 5, 2000
RAWALPINDI, PAKISTAN - India and Pakistan are engaged in an increasingly
dangerous confrontation over the divided Himalayan mountain state of Kashmir
which they have disputed for the past 53 years. For the first time since the
1962 Cuban missile crisis, the armed forces of two nuclear-armed powers are
clashing directly.
This week, Indian troops crossed the Line of Contro1 (LOC) that divides
Kashmir and slaughtered 14 Muslim villagers, beheading some of the victims.
Pakistani troops killed seven Indian soldiers. Inside the two-thirds of
Kashmir controlled by India, Muslim guerrillas fighting for independence
killed ten Hindu civilians and Indian troops. As the decade-old rebellion by
Kashmir's 80% Muslim majority against often brutal Indian rule grows, 10-20
people are dying daily in Kashmir. Indian and Pakistani artillery trade
heavy fire along the entire LOC and are on high alert. According to CIA, the
Kashmir LOC is the world's most dangerous border and the likeliest place for
a nuclear war to occur.
India just announced a staggering 38% increase in its defense budget. In
Delhi, PM Atal Vajpayee threatened Pakistan with nuclear attack if Islamabad
dared use its own strategic arsenal and proclaimed there would be no further
negotiations with Pakistan until it handed its third of Kashmir over to
India.
Pakistan's Foreign Minister, Abdus Sattar, says he has never heard such
threats from India, calling Vajpayee "shrill" and irrational. Hindu
extremists may be driving government policy, Sattar suggests. India is
violently frustrated and enraged over Kashmir and ready to lash out.
Here in Rawalpindi, the former headquarters of the British Indian Army on
the wild northwest frontier, I met with Lt. Gen. Muhammed Aziz Khan, chief
of the general staff of Pakistan's 587,000 armed forces. Though guarded and
soft spoken, Aziz Khan is tough, highly intelligent and fiercely determined.
He is one of the three strongmen of the new military regime, along with his
superior, Chief Executive, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, and the redoubtable Lt.
Gen. Mahmud Ahmed, Director General of Inter-Service Intelligence.
I asked Gen. Aziz if India's 700,000 regular and paramilitary troops now
crammed into Kashmir - including three overstrength corps, 250 warplanes,
and 300 heavy - were not poised to attack Pakistani Kashmir. "India has the
capability to undertake tactical action," replied Aziz. "On the Kashmir
front they outnumber us five to one. But our troops are prepared to fight at
a moments notice."
Regarding the strategic arms race between Pakistan and seven-times larger
India, whose population just reached 1 billion, Aziz says his nation can
still keep up with India's growing military power. "But, if the relative
strategic balance keeps shifting against us, I am concerned."
India has embarked on a massive arms buildup, including new aircraft from
Russia and France, an aircraft carrier and a nuclear submarine, ballistic
and cruise missiles, space warfare systems, and a large nuclear arsenal
developed with covert aid from Israel and France.
The US Congress cut off all military and financial aid to Pakistan a decade
ago to pressure Islamabad to give up its nuclear program, which Israel's
friends on Capitol Hill saw as a possible threat to the Jewish state -
though Pakistan has never shared any of its nuclear technology. Meanwhile,
Washington winked at India's far larger, older nuclear program, which was
seen as a useful counter to China.
Ironically, due to the US embargo, Pakistan has had to rely increasingly on
its nuclear forces to offset India's growing superiority in men and
material. India is now trying to spend Pakistan, which is almost bankrupt,
into the ground by developing new high-tech weapons systems, such as
anti-missile defenses and satellite surveillance.
Pakistan's tough new military leaders refuse to be cowed. Gen. Aziz is said
to be the main planner for Pakistan�s incursion across the LOC last spring.
In May, Pakistani special forces and Kashmiri guerrillas crossed the LOC and
seized commanding positions atop the towering mountains above the
Indian-held city of Kargil. Pakistan staged the operation to
internationalize the Kashmir issue, which was fading into obscurity at a
time when brutal Indian repression was threatening to extinguish the
uprising.
Two months of fierce combat ensued, costing India 400 lives and a huge
amount of money. The fighting ended when Pakistan's then prime minister, the
inept and despotic Nawaz Sharif, was ordered to Washington for a humiliating
public dressing down by President Clinton. Nawaz, who had approved the
operation, denied prior knowledge and blamed it all on his generals. He then
tried to split the army and dismiss its professional leadership. The
military struck back, deposing Nawaz, to great public delight, and named
Gen. Musharraf as Pakistan's new leader.
Pakistan is now waging a war of nerves against India, convinced the
rebellion in Kashmir, discreetly supported by ISI, and growing regional
rebellions inside India in Assam and the eastern hill states will eventually
force India to withdraw. India is retaliating by upping military pressure
against Pakistan and using its intelligence agency, RAW, to stage bombings
and sabotage designed to destabilize Pakistan. At the same time, the 800,000
Indians living in the US have formed a powerful lobby that has teamed up
with the influential Israel lobby to militate against Pakistan and get it
branded a "terrorist state."
President Clinton, who is due to shortly visit the subcontinent, may skip
Pakistan because of charges it backs "terrorists" in Kashmir, the Taliban in
Afghanistan, and was involved in the hijacking of an Indian airliner.
Pakistan considers Kashmiri insurgents "freedom fighters," not terrorists.
Islamabad has little influence over the fiercely independent Taliban, nor
was it involved in the recent hijacking. Little matter. Any state or person
accused these days of being involved in "Islamic terrorism" is guilty until
proven innocent.
But, as usual, Clinton is driven primarily by domestic politics, and may bow
to lobby pressure by avoiding Pakistan or merely making a "refueling" stop.
This would be a grave mistake. Only the United States has the diplomatic
clout to prevent the drift to war now underway between India and Pakistan,
who have already fought three wars since 1947. American diplomatic
intervention is urgently required, as is outside mediation of the explosive
Kashmir dispute.
Clinton's failure to visit Pakistan, and increasing US hostility to old ally
Pakistan could be taken by Delhi as a green light to launch an offensive
against Pakistani Kashmir. The huge number of Indian troops being maintained
in constricted Kashmir, where they have no operational room, suggests a sort
of counter-Kargil offensive is in the works. India is seething with revenge
for being humiliated last spring by Pakistan. An Indian attack would not
cross the international border between the two foes, but penetrate only into
Pakistani Kashmir. By seizing parts of Pakistani Kashmir - possible the Lipa
or Nilum valleys or Kotli - India would restore face, weaken Pakistan, and
undermine the military leadership in Islamabad.
Wars too often begin because of miscalculation or over-estimation of one's
power. This is precisely the case between India and Pakistan. Neither wants
a general war, but both believe they can keep up the war of nerves and
limited military operations under security of their nuclear umbrellas.
This week India gave its commanders the right of hot pursuit of Kashmiri
militants across the LOC. CIA analysts have long said that just such an
event may trigger a large battle that risks escalating into a full-sca1e war
that might end with a nuclear exchange. According to Rand Corp, a nuclear
conflict between India and Pakistan would kill 2 million people at once, and
100 million subsequently as well as polluting the entire globe.
If ever real diplomacy was needed, it is now.
Copyright: E. Margolis, March 2000
"War at the Top of the World" by Eric Margolis � the struggle for Afghanista
n, Kashmir and Tibet will be published in New York by Routledge � available
mid-March 2000, also available through amazon.com

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