CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN PAKISTAN
By
Eric S. Margolis  9 April 2000

Pakistan's former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, was sentenced to life in
prison last Thursday for refusing to allow a circling airliner, with 198
passengers, including 60 children aboard- which had only seven minutes fuel
left - to land at Karachi on 12 October, 1999.

Nawaz had just dismissed Pakistan's respected head of the armed forces,
Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who was returning from Sri Lanka aboard the civilian
airliner.  Had not three leading generals - Ifthakar, Aziz, and Mahmud -
seized the airport and  bloodlessly deposed Sharif, the aircraft  would
have run out of fuel and crashed.  Gen. Musharraf was named Pakistan's new
leader.

This near-disaster came soon after Nawaz had fired the previous armed
forces chief, Gen. Karamat, and the Supreme Court chief justice. Nawaz
intended to set himself up as a civilian dictator by taking personal
control of Pakistan's governmental institutions. He, his relatives and
cronies looted  hundreds of millions of dollars from banks, industry, and
government coffers.  Opponents and media critics were beaten, intimidated,
or jailed.

Few Pakistani shed tears for the widely despised Nawaz.  After interviewing
him at length, I could never understand how such an intellectually limited
and dangerously impulsive man had become Pakistan's leader.  He was plucked
from relative obscurity by the military regime of the late Gen. Zia ul-Haq,
and used as a civilian figurehead.  After Zia's assassination in 1988,
Nawaz steadily assembled power, becoming both ruthless and deeply corrupt.

Nawaz didn't deserve a death sentence for his criminal stupidity at Karachi
airport, but he certainly merited severe punishment - and even more so for
massive corruption and misrule.  His life sentence means 25 years maximum,
though five years or even less seems far more likely.  In the topsy-turvy
world of Pakistani politics, today's cellblock inmate can easily become
tomorrow's prime minister.

Like former Pakistani civilian rulers, Nawaz treated the nation as his
personal bank. Corruption has always been pervasive and endemic, but under
the Bhutto and Nawaz governments, which each held power twice, things went
from terrible to intolerable.

Pakistan's military, the last uncorrupted and only respected national
institution, vowed to root out malfeasance at every level of society,
starting at the top.

Gen. Musharraf detailed to me how the army was setting up a grass roots
electoral system at the village level -where none previously existed - as
the  foundation for a genuine democratic system. In the past, seats in
 parliament were bought and sold by the Pakistan's hugely rich feudal
landowners, who paid no taxes whatsoever, rigged elections, and hid their
money abroad.

According to Gen. Musharraf, his government will focus anti-corruption
efforts on the biggest crooks who stole tens of millions or more, and then
work down the theft chain to smaller crooks.  Nawaz, his brother, and
cronies browbeat banks to give them multi-million dollar loans that were
never repaid. Most big businessmen and politicians also evaded taxes. As a
result, Pakistan is almost bankrupt, with almost half its income going to
debt repayment, and the rest to defense.

But where to begin the anti-corruption crusade begin? Corruption in
Pakistan - and, indeed, across the Third World - is everywhere.  A tax
collector comes and says you owe 500,000 rupees?but if you pay him 100,000
he will report you owe nothing. The electric meter man does a reading.  Pay
him 50% of what you owe the electric company, and he will report a minimal
reading. And so it goes at all levels.

As a result, the government gets very little income from taxes.  Benazir
Bhutto explains that Pakistanis are not accustomed to taxes: in the past,
aid from the US covered the cost of government. Since the US cut off all
aid a decade ago, Pakistanis have been asked to ante up for governments
that have been corrupt, inept, and unresponsive.

Ironically, one of the few groups in Pakistan that did pay full taxes was
the military.  Soldiers had withholding taxes deducted at source.  They
struggled for years to get by on poor salaries that were sapped by
inflation, while the elite pillaged Pakistan and sneered at the military,
who came mostly from the lower and middle classes.

As a final, last-straw act of arrogance, the bankrupt governments of both
Benazir and Nawaz spent a maharaja's ransom building a new prime minister's
office block in Islamabad, a huge, cheesy domed palace of inlaid marble
that should be called the Pak Mahal.

When I listened to Gen. Musharraf, and his chief spokesman, Maj. Gen.
Rashid Qureshi, speak passionately of their plans to attack corruption and
rebuild Pakistan, they sounded more like social revolutionaries than
old-style military putschists.

Pakistan 's entrenched feudal and political classes must be ousted from
political power, corruption attacked, and institutions rebuilt.  Whether
the army can achieve this goal is uncertain:  two previous military regimes
did not. In Egypt, Col.  Nasser failed to uproot corruption; so did
military leaders Ataturk in Turkey, and Sukarno in Indonesia.   Armies are
instruments of war, not peace. Sadly, there is no one else in Pakistan to
do the job.

In Russia, another nation scourged by rampant corruption, industrial-scale
criminality, and inability to collect tax, the new president, Vladimir
Putin,  vows to unleash the KGB's secret policemen to root out corruption.
 Few believe this housecleaning campaign will work.

Back in Pakistan, Nawaz seems headed for a well-deserved jail term. Most
thoughtful Pakistanis are ashamed their nation, created to be an ideal
Islamic state,  has become a cesspool of crime and corruption - exhibit A
being the brutal former  prime minister Nawaz, who nearly killed 198
innocent people.

Copyright   eric s margolis  2000


Eric Margolis' new book, `War at the Top of the World- The Struggle for
Afghanistan, Kashmir, and Tibet' is receiving national attention in the US,
where it was cited in Congressional testimony last week.  The book is
available online through Amazon.com and through Borders and Barnes & Noble.
 In Canada, through Chapters and Indigo.






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