In 1982 a DOJ attorney wrote a series of memos advocating the position that 
Article 3 of the Constitution gives the Supreme Court jurisdiction over 
constitutional issues with "such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the 
Congress shall make." Simply put, Congress could enact laws and include a 
clause exempting that law from Court review — not just the Supremes, but all 
federal courts.

Motivation behind the memos was advocacy of a position that Congress should 
pass laws, e.g. banning abortion or mandating school prayer, and bar the Courts 
from jurisdiction over that law and therefore prevent "travesties" like Roe v 
Wade.

The same argument has been resurrected the past year by the Democratic left 
only this time the laws that would be protected would be things like Obamacare 
or a Green New Deal.

The author of the memos: Chief Justice John Roberts.

davew


On Tue, Oct 13, 2020, at 10:43 AM, uǝlƃ ↙↙↙ wrote:
> I've forgotten what venue it was. But someone made the argument that 
> elsewhere (other countries), courts don't have the power to strike down 
> entire laws, and that extensive power is not inherent in our laws, 
> either ... that it was somehow more convention than written in stone. 
> They made the argument that John Roberts understands this, and 
> understands that if the populace begins to reject the legitimacy of 
> SCOTUS decisions, a flood of techniques could be used to degrade the 
> courts' authority (much like the trends in the "unitary executive" have 
> degraded Congress' authority).
> 
> It seems like that argument is relevant to at least one of your questions.
> 
> For me, until Kavanaugh, I'd never really realized how political the 
> SCOTUS actually is [⛧]. The membership is pretty much locked down by 
> the Senate. And the Senate is the rural/right bastion, the core 
> representation problem. We complain a lot about the electoral college. 
> But it's the structure of the Senate that's the real problem for 
> progressivism. So, for me, they've lost all patina of "objectivity" at 
> this point. They're as vapidly political/partisan as the House. We may 
> as well admit this loss of credibility and find a way to "harden" it 
> against abuse. Of course, the Rs don't "govern". So we're left in the 
> unfortunate position of relying on the Ds to do it, if it'll be done at 
> all.
> 
> 
> [⛧] Yes, I know. All the signs were there my entire life. What can I 
> say? I'm a moron. It took a Frat boy being confirmed to make me realize 
> it.
> 
> On 10/13/20 9:18 AM, Russ Abbott wrote:
> > Amy Coney Barrett said that judges should stick to legal issues and leave 
> > policymaking to legislatures.  
> > 
> > "A judge must apply the law as written, not as the judge wishes it were. 
> > Sometimes that approach meant reaching results he does not like. Courts are 
> > not designed to solve every problem or right every wrong in our public 
> > life. The policy decisions and value judgments of government must be made 
> > by the political branches elected by and accountable to the People. The 
> > public should not expect courts to do so, and courts should not try," 
> > 
> > Let's assume she is intellectually honest and will do her best to live by 
> > this distinction. Do you think that's possible? How would you draw a line 
> > between legal issues and policy decisions? How could a court refuse to deal 
> > with cases that seem to require them to make policy decisions? Do you think 
> > a framework for courts could be established along these lines that would 
> > widely accepted?
> 
> 
> -- 
> ↙↙↙ uǝlƃ
> 
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