-------- Original Message --------
Subject:        Dominick / Corporate Media Tramples Own Sourcing Rules on Iran 
Claims / Feb 14
Date:   Thu, 15 Feb 2007 17:43:33 -0800 (PST)
From:   ZNet Commentaries <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To:     [EMAIL PROTECTED]



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Today's commentary:
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2007-02/14dominick.cfm

==================================

ZNet Commentary
Corporate Media Tramples Own Sourcing Rules on Iran Claims February 14, 2007
By Brian Dominick 

The leading US-based news organizations - the New York Times and the Associated 
Press - violated their respective sourcing policies (and any semblance of 
reason) in reporting on US claims of "evidence" that Iranian officials are 
behind attacks on US forces in Iraq. In fact, most major outlets shoved their 
own policies aside like crazed shoppers on Black Friday, rushing to be first to 
report unsubstantiated, anonymously sourced allegations that put the US further 
on a war footing with Iran.

Neither the AP nor the Times explained to their readers - as is policy at both 
corporations - why the three anonymous sources who presented a highly 
orchestrated press briefing on Sunday insisted on and were granted anonymity. 
Here are the relevant rules: 

We must explain in the story why the source requested anonymity. And, when it's 
relevant, we must describe the source's motive for disclosing the information. 
-From the "AP statement on anonymous sources" 
(http://www.apme.com/committees/credibility/052705anonymous.shtml) 

Whenever anonymity is granted, it should be the subject of energetic 
negotiation to arrive at phrasing that will tell the reader as much as possible 
about the placement and motivation of the source... -New York Times policy on 
confidential news sources 
(http://www.nytco.com/company-properties-times-sources.html) 

To be fair, it isn't entirely clear that the Times insists on explaining 
sources' motivation for remaining anonymous. It could be insisting on their 
motivation for coming forward. But since the Times did neither in breaking or 
later rejoining this story, it's pretty clear that even this relatively 
forgiving policy was trampled.

It has always been important to both outlets that they be able to cast aside 
this most-inconvenient policy. It can be adhered to when there is a good reason 
for a source to remain anonymous, such as a whistleblower or a fugitive. Such 
are the stories that lend credibility and integrity to a news outlet, as they 
should. But when the source is a sanctioned leaker - an official or agent 
passing along information that is beneficial to the government - adherence to 
principled policies would prohibit the corporate media from carrying out a key 
function: doing the government's bidding.

How ridiculous it would be, after all, if the AP wrote something like: "The 
official insisted on remaining anonymous for fear of public accountability." Or 
if the Times were to print: "The source demanded anonymity 'because I said so.'"

So the AP avoided the issue altogether. The Times tried a more awkward approach:

The officials were repeatedly pressed on why they insisted on anonymity in such 
an important matter affecting the security of American and Iraqi troops. A 
senior United States military official gave a partial answer, saying that 
without anonymity, a senior Defense Department analyst who participated in the 
briefing could not have contributed. 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/12/world/middleeast/12weapons.html) 

That partial answer was apparently good enough, even though it pretty strongly 
suggested the other two sources could have allowed their names to be printed, 
and the reason given for the "analyst" is sketchy, at best.

Perhaps most egregious of all the violations, it appears that the true identity 
of the source identified as an "analyst" was not even known to the reporters. 
This is an extraordinary violation of journalistic ethics, and it was carried 
out collectively, by the whole Baghdad corporate press gaggle.

When a source insists on anonymity despite obvious approval from his or her 
bosses, reason dictates one assume the source is either lying or has an 
ulterior motive. Sure, some government agencies have policies that no one on 
staff can talk to reporters on the record or for attribution, even when 
conveying official policy, but that's not a reason; if anything, it begs the 
question, but it certainly doesn't excuse journalists from their duty of 
insisting on transparency.

It is difficult to believe that anyone at last weekend's officially sanctioned 
press event was under the impression that the presenters were telling the whole 
truth. The only conceivable motive for secrecy was that the presenters' careers 
would be over if they were publicly associated with baseless accusations. 
(Others have done a much-better job explaining how it is almost certainly 
untrue that Iranian officials are behind the attacks on US personnel for which 
they are blamed.)

Then there's this tidbit from the Times policy; there's no clear parallel in 
the AP's rules.

If the impetus for anonymity has originated with the source, further reporting 
is essential to satisfy the reporter and the reader that the paper has sought 
the whole story. -New York Times

Or not - whichever the reporter and editors prefer, evidently. In this case, 
there was no further reporting, except to seek comment from Iran, which 
declined at the time the story was being rushed to press.

We do not grant anonymity to people who are engaged in speculation, unless the 
very act of speculating is newsworthy and can be clearly labeled for what it 
is. -New York Times

The sources admitted they were speculating during last weekend's presentation. 
According to the Times:

The officials said such an assertion was an inference based on general 
intelligence assessments.

So the only question is whether the Times was relaying the substance of the 
claims as news, or was reporting on the "act of speculating." The answer is 
fairly clear in the article's lead sentence:

...senior United States military officials on Sunday literally put on the table 
their first public evidence of the contentious assertion that Iran supplies 
Shiite extremist groups in Iraq with some of the most lethal weapons in the war.

Instead of treating the news briefing as an unsubstantiated spectacle, the 
paper took it very seriously and rushed it to print almost without any 
verification or skepticism. Since no evidence was presented that "Iran" - which 
can only mean the Iranian government, not rogue Iranian agents or smugglers - 
is supplying the weapons to anyone in Iraq, the Times's opening statement is an 
editorialized assertion that the official claims hold water. Later on, the 
reporter gushes:

Whatever doubts were created about the timing and circumstances of the weapons 
disclosures, the direct physical evidence presented on Sunday was extraordinary.

The sensible, professional response to a request by three US government 
officials wishing to share officially approved information under conditions of 
anonymity, would be to refuse. Indeed, decent journalists would refuse to relay 
information under such conditions, not just as a matter of policy - which 
should go without saying - but as a method of protest. Organizations should 
refuse to convey such information, and those that report it should come under 
fire from the competitors.

In the real world, organizations that refuse to convey baseless accusations of 
international treachery are left in the dust. The higher your standards for 
integrity, the less attention you will get from the public and others in the 
industry. In the end, poor reporting of sensational subject matter always 
trumps prudent reporting of content that bears public relevance.


Brian Dominick is a co-founder and editor at The NewStandard, a progressive 
news website (http://newstandardnews.net) 


 




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