-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Glick / Impeachment Spring 2007 / Mar 16
Date: Fri, 16 Mar 2007 19:34:58 -0800 (PST)
From: ZNet Commentaries <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Today's commentary:
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2007-03/14glick.cfm

==================================

ZNet Commentary
Impeachment Spring 2007 March 16, 2007
By Ted Glick

Faced with the maddening intransigence of Bush and Cheney and the 
unsurprising timidity of Pelosi and Reid when it comes to the war and 
related issues, it's time for the entire progressive movement to unite 
RIGHT NOW in a collective, urgent campaign for the impeachment of the 
top two liars, torturers and war criminals who are occupying the White 
House.

We should demand this not just because it's the right thing to do, which 
it absolutely is. We should do it because it's the course of action 
which has the most chance of preventing an expansion of the war into 
Iran and increasing the chances that the Democrats and some Republicans 
are forced to get serious about legislation that can reverse course on Iraq.

Some progressives argue that we should forget about impeachment because 
Nancy Pelosi has told John Conyers to cool it, that it's "off the 
table," and, in those progressives' view, that makes impeachment 
unrealistic.

The question is, what do these progressives see as the alternative? What 
else has the potential to focus the massive and wide-ranging discontent 
within the U.S. citizenry, the 58% of the population, according to a 
recent poll, who wish that the Bush Administration was history right now?

There is nothing else. There will be various pieces of legislation 
brought forward by Pelosi and Reid, and something stronger than the 
anti-"surge" wrist-slap recently passed by the House may get through at 
least the House, but it is extremely difficult to conceive of how 
anything of substance will pass the filibuster barrier in the Senate 
barring a massive political upsurge within the populace demanding strong 
action to rein in Bush and Cheney.

Which is exactly what impeachment is all about. It is a crystal-clear, 
American-as-apple-pie remedy for the "I'm the decider" ideologues who 
show every indication that their solution to the Iraq mess is to make it 
even bigger by expanding war into Iran and who knows where else after 
that. It's their "hail Mary" pass but it's not with a football, it's 
with weapons of escalated destruction.

Is it likely that the Democratic leadership in the House-the body, 
remember, which by itself can impeach a President--will grow a spine in 
the next month or two and begin an impeachment investigation via John 
Conyers' Judiciary Committee? Probably not. But it is possible that if 
the spring of 2007 becomes "impeachment spring," beginning with massive 
anti-war actions throughout the country on March 17-19 that loudly raise 
the impeachment demand and continuing up to April 28, national 
impeachment day-if this happens, which it absolutely can, then we might 
be surprised to see a breaking of the impeachment logjam by May or June 
and the beginning of those Judiciary Committee hearings.

That should be our objective. That objective should motivate what we do 
and how we do it for the next several months.

Ultimately, if we do not achieve that objective, an impeachment campaign 
is still critical. Members of Congress, the mass media, prominent 
personalities, those who have some mass influence, need to feel the 
pressure which leads them to speak up loudly and clearly in support of 
impeachment. Such a movement is the most effective tactic in our arsenal 
right now to put the Bush/Cheney gang on the defensive. Given the 
reality of upcoming 2008 elections and growing anti-war opposition 
within the Republican Party, such a movement will make it politically 
difficult for them to keep expanding the war the way they want to.

Impeachment is a perfect example of a good offense being the best 
defense.  We saw how this worked in 1973 and 1974 when Richard Nixon's 
Watergate troubles and the investigations into White House-directed 
criminality made it impossible for Tricky Dick and his national security 
advisor Henry Kissinger to do anything of substance to prevent the 
on-going withdrawal of U.S. troops from the southern part of Vietnam and 
the eventual collapse of the U.S.-created government in Saigon.

Key to this was the existence of a loosely-connected, national 
grassroots movement, the National Campaign to Impeach Nixon, which came 
together in the fall of 1973. Through demonstrations, lobbying and 
various kinds of street heat, it kept up the pressure and helped keep 
the impeachment issue in the news until, on August 9, 1974, Nixon resigned.

In hindsight people may think that this result was not surprising given 
the 1972-74 revelations of White House illegality and solid Democratic 
control of both houses of Congress. But there were liberal Democrats 
like Washington Post columnist Nicholas Von Hoffman who were taking the 
position during this time that it would be good for the Democrats if a 
weakened Nixon remained in office. This view was shared by many other 
Democrats.

As a national coordinator of the National Campaign to Impeach Nixon, I 
co-wrote a letter to the Post to answer Hoffman, which said, "We believe 
the key to 'those same interests' [that both Nixon and Vice-President 
Ford represented] being strongly opposed, the key to a Congress becoming 
responsible, is a movement of citizens in the cities and towns of this 
country. This movement sees the protection of our constitutional rights 
as the most important priority. Congress was forced to move on 
impeachment because of the massive outpouring of protest after Mr. Nixon 
fired Special Prosecutor [Archibald] Cox on October 20, 1973.

"We believe that to allow Richard Nixon's abuse of power to go 
un-prosecuted would set an ominous precedent for future Presidents. In 
the process of impeaching Richard Nixon certain gross abuses of power 
would have to be pinpointed, thus making the same thing more difficult 
in the future. And if, in the process of impeaching Richard Nixon, a 
movement is built which refuses to accept imperial rulers or 
undemocratic regimes, 'those same interests' which Ford represents will 
find it more difficult to get their way."

Back then the Democrats had more guts than, as seen so far, the 2007 
version. But that is no excuse for inaction now. In many ways our 
situation today is much more dire than back then. We are facing a very 
real risk of an extremely dangerous expansion of the war at a time when 
there is an urgent need for resources and attention to be focused on the 
climate crisis, health care, New Orleans and other major issues. We have 
already experienced Bush/Cheney/neo-conservative disregard of basic 
Constitutional rights like habeus corpus and Congressional oversight of 
the Executive branch of government.

It is essential that the progressive movement-a movement which is much 
broader and deeper than what existed in 1973 and 1974-demonstrate its 
allegiance not to the Congressional leadership of the Democratic Party 
but to doing what is clearly right. How many of us will step up to the 
plate at this turning-point time in our nation's history?

  Ted Glick is active with the Climate Crisis Coalition and the 
Independent Progressive Politics Network, whose website, www.ippn.org, 
carries seven years of Future Hope columns. He can be reached at 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] or P.O. Box 1132, Bloomfield, N.J.  07003.





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