--------- Begin forwarded message ----------
From: Gary Chapman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: L. A. Times column, October 12, 1998
Date: Mon, 12 Oct 1998 07:55:14 -0500

Friends,

Below is my Los Angeles Times column for today, Monday, October 12,
1998. As always, please feel free to pass this around but please retain
the copyright notice.

Hope everyone is doing well. We're finally getting some glorious
weather here in Austin, and when it's beautiful here there's no better
place.

Best,


-- Gary


Gary Chapman

Director

The 21st Century Project

LBJ School of Public Affairs

Drawer Y, University Station

University of Texas

Austin, TX  78713

(512) 263-1218

(512) 471-1835 (fax)

[EMAIL PROTECTED]

http://www.utexas.edu/lbj/21cp


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<fontfamily><param>Geneva</param>The Los Angeles Times


Monday, October 12, 1998


DIGITAL NATION


Microsoft Trial Obscures Larger Inequality Issues


By Gary Chapman


Copyright 1998, The Los Angeles Times


The Microsoft antitrust trial scheduled to begin this month will no
doubt dominate high-tech industry news as an epic and historic battle
between the dominant company in the Information Age and the U.S.
Justice Department.


But, like most other news stories about high tech in newspapers,
magazines and on the World Wide Web, this legal battle obscures deeper
problems in the relationship between our high-tech companies and the
country in which they operate.


No other industry is as self-absorbed, arrogant, insular or in love
with itself and its products as high tech. And the real tragedy is that
a great many of our best and brightest citizens, attracted to this
industry because of its famous and astonishing capacity for creating
millionaires, are typically lost to the nation as leaders in a more
profound and noble sense of that word. The vast chasm that exists
between leadership in high tech and leadership in public affairs is a
significant and growing national problem. The Microsoft case is the
proverbial tip of this iceberg.


Recently we've watched Silicon Valley and other high-tech centers
discover the public arena, launching lobbying organizations like the
Technology Network (http://www.technologynetwork.org/), opening
corporate offices in Washington and donating money to candidates.
Microsoft contributed more than $500,000 to both Republicans and
Democrats in the last year (twice as much to the former as the
latter).


But in nearly every case when high tech has taken an interest in public
issues, industry leaders have limited their focus to what is good for
their bottom lines: protection against shareholder lawsuits, relaxation
of immigrant worker quotas, education reform oriented toward the
production of more high-tech workers, getting more computers in schools
and increasing protections against software piracy, among other
themes.


The mission statement of Technology Network, the chief bipartisan
lobbying group in Silicon Valley, is "to pass federal and state laws
that will benefit technology enterprises, their employees and investors
and foster continued growth of the New Economy."


High-tech industry leaders and pundits have let it be known that they
consider government mostly an unfortunate holdover of previous eras,
one that is now ill-suited to the world that they, as pioneers of the
electronic frontier, are creating.


But because it doesn't look like government is going to disappear soon,
the industry has to deal with the public sector as a source of power,
to be opposed in some instances and wielded as a tool in others. Thus
the Microsoft case is mostly an internecine dispute between industry
leaders themselves, not a landmark case for protecting the public
interest.


Retired Army Lt. Gen. Howard Graves, who is setting up the new -- and
timely -- Center on Ethical Leadership at the LBJ School of Public
Affairs at the University of Texas, says: "You have to ask these
corporate leaders, 'Where is the vision? What are the values?' " Graves
points out that enduring U.S. companies "are known for standing for
something more than profits . . . . There are more stakeholders out
there than just stockholders."


The main problem is that the wealth generated by the technology
revolution has transformed both the individuals who have been made
wealthy and the society in which they live.


Bernard Rapaport, the billionaire CEO of American Income Life Insurance
Co., wrote recently in the Texas Observer that we're living in an
economic era "when many of our citizens are increasingly prosperous,
yet have begun to act like exalted panjandrums or titled sheiks,
showing untroubled insensitivity to the large underclass all around
us."


"This insensitivity -- the public and often even proud indifference --
is most especially cruel to the hundreds of thousands of poor and
neglected American children, born with little chance of advancement in
our increasingly competitive world."


But inequality appears to be of little interest to most high-tech
industry leaders, as a recent article in the National Journal, on the
link between technology and inequality, illustrated. Not one of the
high-tech executives interviewed for the article expressed any concern
about income inequality.


High-tech leaders commonly judge public officials on whether or not
they "get it" about the importance of technology to the future of the
United States. But does this mean that public leaders should simply
accept that their chief constituency should now be the tiny minority of
highly skilled workaholics who succeed in high tech, while everyone
else turns invisible?


Unfortunately, there appear to be politicians willing to bow to such
suggestions. Newt Gingrich recently visited Washington state, home of
Microsoft, where he railed against the Justice Department's lawsuit and
then said, "The purpose of the American government is to strengthen
American companies in the world market." One might have thought that
the purpose of American government was far more elevated than this --
protecting and enhancing democracy and justice, for example.


What the Microsoft antitrust case will obscure, along with so many
other so-called "trees-instead-of-the-forest" news stories about high
tech, is that we're living in a new Gilded Age, one with detestable
disparities of wealth and power that cannot be -- should not be --
sustained over the long run.


And we now have an entire generation of affluent, extremely bright,
well-educated and flourishing citizens who, by their own choosing, are
cut off from the rewards and obligations and responsibilities of public
service to the nation. They're too busy, too wealthy, too "techie," too
wrapped up in the ideology and jargon of high tech and too hooked on
money to relate to the majority of Americans.


In fact, the people who do the things we all need doing, such as
washing clothes, serving food, mowing lawns, fixing cars, taking care
of children, cleaning offices and so on, are increasingly regarded as
"losers" in the new economy -- and, of course, in pure financial terms,
they are losers.


Conservatives are fond these days of flogging the libertine values of
the '60s, attributing the current crisis in the White House to that
era.


But the real crisis in American values is not loose sexual mores but
the decoupling of our elite and wealthy from the rest of the nation,
from their responsibilities for public leadership, and from any
reasonable constraints on power and wealth in a democracy.


We can't put people on trial for these offenses, especially with the
blunt tool of antitrust law. But we should create an atmosphere of
public opinion that will insist on responsible behavior and true
leadership from those among us who are most fortunate, including Bill
Gates, Microsoft and everyone else in the industry.


Gary Chapman is director of the 21st Century Project at the University
of Texas at Austin. His e-mail address is [EMAIL PROTECTED]



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