Latin American backlash builds against
free-market reforms


Copyright © 1997 Nando.net
Copyright © 1997 The Associated Press 

   Church is major critic of economic reform 
   Financial hardship no longer unusual in Argentina 

(November 22, 1997 11:35 a.m. EST http://www.nando.net) -- Across Latin
America, millions of people
feel cheated by free-market economic policies that swept the region over
the past decade, usually
replacing socialist-oriented economies.

A backlash is looming as reforms that successfully curbed inflation and
stimulated economic growth
have failed to provide enough new jobs, reduce poverty, close the gap
between rich and poor --
already the world's worst, according to the Inter-American Development
Bank -- or generally
improve living standards.

Like many other Latin Americans, Peruvian Raul Linares conceded the need
for drastic economic
action when inflation in his homeland hit 7,000 percent a year in the
early 1990s.

Then a mid-level bureaucrat in the Agriculture Ministry, he grudgingly
accepted the loss of his job as
part of an economic "shock" program that included widespread layoffs.

Four years later, he runs a bare-bones photocopy shop, and his income is
less than a quarter of
what it was. He has fallen from middle-class status into poverty.

"When I was laid off I was devastated, but in my heart I didn't blame
the government because the
situation was so bad I knew drastic steps had to be taken," Linares, 49,
said inside his downtown
Lima storefront, where a bare light bulb hangs by a cord from the
ceiling.

"Now I feel swindled, as if I sacrificed for nothing."

"It's been a success for the rich and a martyrdom for the poor," former
Venezuela president Luis
Herrera Campins of the Social Christian party COPEI says of what some
critics call "capitalismo
salvaje" -- savage capitalism.

President Clinton, a backer of free-market reforms and trade
liberalization, nonetheless
acknowledged on his recent trip to South America that "it is wrong for
only a few to reap the
benefits of the wonderful changes going on while many remain mired in
poverty."

The downside of the policies were underlined this month in Brazil when
turmoil in Asian markets
helped send the Sao Paulo Stock Exchange -- Latin America's largest --
plunging more than 30
percent in two weeks.

President Fernando Henrique Cardoso announced a harsh austerity package
for Brazil on Nov. 10
that is expected to bring economic stagnation and boost unemployment
already at 16 percent. His
plan calls for laying off 33,000 government workers next year,
eliminating 70,000 state jobs and
cutting the budget by $4.7 billion.

Initially, many Latin Americans accepted the tough policies of public
sector layoffs, budget cuts,
privatization and devaluation, believing that sacrifice today would mean
a better life tomorrow.

But tomorrow is here, and for many the payoff is yet to be seen.

Various countries are being buffeted by social unrest, destabilizing
strikes and the formation of new
political movements. Influential groups such as the Roman Catholic
Church, labor unions and
university academics are criticizing the reforms.

Laid-off sugar cane workers blocked roads with burning tires and clashed
with police in rural
northern Argentina, a country with a near record 16 percent jobless
rate. At least 150 people were
injured.

Middle-class and poor Ecuadoreans massed in the streets of the capital,
Quito, to protest the tripling
of utility rates.

Venezuelans seething over businesses' failure to raise worker pay walked
off the job for 12 hours in
the country's first general strike in eight years.

In Mexico, opposition parties ended the ruling Institutional
Revolutionary Party's seven decades of
control of the lower house of Congress, partly by capitalizing on
discontent with free-market policies
that also are called "neo-liberal." Leftist politician Cuauhtemoc
Cardenas won the coveted Mexico
City mayoral seat.

"These are not unrelated events. From Mexico to Argentina there is a
reaction, because
neo-liberalism resolves macroeconomic problems, but that only means the
rich get richer ... and the
poor get poorer," said Guillermo Moron, a leading Venezuelan historian.

Moron is a member of Fundapatria (Building the Country), a group of
mainstream Venezuelan
intellectuals, businessmen and writers who are developing alternatives
to "savage capitalism."

The backlash seems to be dispersed and is not part of an organized or
revolutionary mass
movement. There is little indication it might spawn a revival of armed
guerrillas groups like those that
proliferated in the region in the 1960s to 1980s.

Academics have joined the debate, publishing a spate of books noting the
negative side of reforms
that were routinely praised earlier as trade boomed along with real
estate and stock markets.

In Chile, Latin America's free-market pioneer, poverty doubled to 41
percent of the population
during the 1970s and '80s, although it has since declined, and foreign
debt quadrupled to $21 billion
-- one of the highest per capita debts in the world, says Joseph
Collins, a respected expert on
economic development in Third World countries.

After decreasing for decades, the number of poor in Latin America is
again on the rise. The number
of impoverished leaped from 135 million in 1980 to a record 210 million
today, or two of every five
people, the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
says.

One of every four people in the region survives on less than $1 a day,
the U.N. Development
Program estimates.

One of the biggest costs of the reforms is employment. Mass layoffs
followed privatizations of
state-owned airlines, steel mills, telephone and other major companies.
After Argentina's state oil
company, YPF SA, was sold in 1993, its work force dropped to 7,500 from
a peak of 52,000 in
1990.

Without doubt, the free-market transformation has notched clear
triumphs.

When Argentine President Carlos Menem took office in 1989, annual
inflation was 4,924 percent.
Now it's near zero.

Peru's economic output soared by 32 percent between 1993 and 1996.

Defenders of the changes argue that the poor benefited tremendously by
the reduction of inflation,
that the old economic system was collapsing anyway, and that more time
is needed for the benefits
of free markets to spread.

"Despite all the difficulties of the last 10 years, not a single
government in Latin America has
abandoned the so-called neo-liberal strategy. No one could go back. No
one is going back," said
Harvard University professor Jeffrey Sachs, a leading free market
proponent who has advised
Bolivia's government.

But he acknowledged: "You can't say these reforms added up to the
achievements that they hoped
for."

New political leaders and movements are trying to capitalize on the
discontent, and traditional parties
are feeling the heat.

In Argentina, a new center-left alliance handed Menem's ruling Peronists
their first nationwide defeat
in a decade in Oct. 26 congressional elections. The alliance accepts the
basic principles of Menem's
free-market changes, but is pushing for a greater emphasis on social
needs.

Some groups are more openly critical. A splinter party of Venezuela's
Radical Cause workers party,
Country for All, proclaims it is "anti-neo-liberal" and is pushing for
alternative policies.

"We are the party of the weak, the poor and the outcasts of society, the
housewives, the students
and the unemployed. We reject neo-liberal policies that are starving our
people," Congressman
Vladimir Villegas yelled at a recent rally launching the party.

Governments are getting the message that people are unhappy and are
increasing spending on social
programs and slowing the pace of reforms.

The sale of Venezuela's huge aluminum and steel plants, slated for this
year, has bogged down partly
because politicians think many voters oppose it and will punish them in
the presidential election next
year.

Hugo Banzer, the former army general and dictator recently elected
president of Bolivia,
campaigned on a platform of curtailing privatizations and spending more
on education and health.

President Alberto Fujimori's approval ratings in Peru, sky-high in his
1990-95 term, plummeted this
year to record lows. He recently launched a $2.7 billion anti-poverty
program.

Argentina's Menem followed with his own $3.3 billion plan, and Chile's
Eduardo Frei declared
fighting poverty his government's top priority.

Even die-hard critics do not advocate a return to Latin American-style
socialism. They urge shifting
emphasis to job creation and land reform, keeping profitable state
enterprises in public hands,
increasing spending on health and education and cutting outlays on the
military and foreign debt
service.

They call for more taxes on the rich and a better safety net for the
young, the old, the poor, the
disabled.

"Brazil has changed for those who have money but not for the poor," said
Salomao Dantas da Silva,
who was laid off in 1995 after 15 years at an engine and farm machine
factory in Sao Paulo state.

"We shouldn't accept the fact that the inflation decreases with the
sacrifice of the people," he added.
"We are paying the price. Isn't there another way of cutting down the
inflation without such a
tremendous social cost?"

-- By BART JONES, The Associated Press 



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